Wang’s Picnic
← Back to past issues

Weekly issue

本週期刊簡報(2026/07/18)

Updated journals
54
Articles
132

本週摘要：共 54 個期刊更新了 132 篇文章。
如想增加特定期刊，或是退訂本週報，請回信聯繫。

本週更新目錄

American Journal of Political Science Journal of Information Technology & Politics Political Research Quarterly
American Sociological Review Journal of Peace Research Political Science Research and Methods
Big Data & Society Journal of Political Science Education Political Studies
British Journal of Political Science Journal of Survey Statistics and Methodology Political Studies Review
British Journal of Sociology Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, Series A (Statistics in Society) Political Theory
Comparative Political Studies Latin American Politics and Society Politics & Society
Democratization Legislative Studies Quarterly Politics and Religion
Economic Sciences Research in PNAS Local Government Studies Post-Soviet Affairs
European Journal of Political Research Minds and Machines Public Opinion Quarterly
European Political Science Review Nations and Nationalism Representation
European Sociological Review Nature Reviews Psychology Social Forces
Gender & Society Parliamentary Affairs Social Science Computer Review
International Organization Party Politics Social Science Quarterly
International Political Science Review Perspectives on Politics The International Journal of Press/Politics
Journal of Asian and African Studies Policy & Internet The Journal of Legislative Studies
Journal of Conflict Resolution Political Behavior West European Politics
Journal of Contemporary China Political Communication 中國大陸研究
Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties Political Psychology 問題與研究

📚 American Journal of Political Science

📄 The choice argument for proportional representation

What electoral system should a democracy choose? I argue for proportional representation (PR). My main empirical premise is Duverger's law: Under PR there are more viable candidates in district‐level elections than there are under single‐member plurality (SMP) systems. My main normative premise is that democracy is valuable because it enables ordinary citizens to rule themselves. To enjoy the value of self‐rule, citizens must be able to make an autonomous vote choice. Yet, how autonomous any choice is depends on the diversity of one's adequate options. The fewer adequate options one can choose between, the less autonomous is one's choice. So PR augments self‐rule by increasing the diversity of acceptable options citizens have at election time.

📄 States, cities, and border control: Do sub‐state collectives have a right to protect vulnerable people on the move?

It is beyond doubt that states everywhere practice discretionary border control. However, in normative political theory, there is vigorous debate about the justifiability of this practice. Some theorists appeal to border crossers’ interest in free movement, envisioning an open borders utopia, while others emphasize the value of collective self‐determination, defending strong border control rights for states. Both perspectives focus on two primary interest‐holders: state collectives and individual border crossers. This analysis offers a novel perspective by arguing that cities—and sub‐state collectives in general—may also have significant interests in immigration policy. Through empirical examples like Europe's “Solidarity Cities” and North American sanctuary cities, the paper argues that cities often possess self‐determination–based rights to protect an additional quota of vulnerable border crossers, beyond those their state protects. This conclusion is surprising because appeals to self‐determination typically defend a state's right to limit migration. Yet, it is one that proponents of the self‐determination view have reason to accept.

📄 The ethics of responding to democratic backsliding abroad

The past decade has seen a marked shift as many previously liberal democratic states have backslidden, taking authoritarian turns. How should liberal actors respond to democratic backsliding by others? Although it might seem that it is vital for liberal actors to react robustly to avoid complicity or to maintain their liberal integrity, this paper argues that complicity‐based and integrity‐based approaches offer an incomplete picture of the ethical challenges posed by democratic backsliding and propose problematic responses. They tend to focus too much on the internal effects of backsliding, that is, the effects on the citizens within the backsliding state. Instead, the paper proposes a responsibility‐based approach that emphasizes the need to take much more seriously the external effects of backsliding, arguing that the central focus of responses to democratic backsliding should be the dangers posed to the fulfilment of global responsibilities.

📄 Strategic litigation as a challenge for deliberative democracy

Strategic litigation is a growing public concern, but remains understudied in democratic theory. In strategic litigation, collectives go to court with a political agenda that goes beyond their specific case. How should we assess the legitimacy of strategic litigation? Building on Lafont's model of deliberative democracy and Klein's distinction of institution‐as‐procedures and institutions‐as‐mechanisms, I propose a new deliberative framework of assessment. First, I argue that strategic litigation mobilizes groups of citizens in a specific pattern of differentiated mobilization. Second, including this pattern of differentiated mobilization in our normative evaluation shows how strategic litigation can empower citizens (by contributing to agenda‐setting, group‐strengthening, context‐disclosing), but also disempower citizens (by enabling agenda‐masking, group‐simulating, context‐distorting). What is problematic from a deliberative perspective is that strategic litigation mobilizes citizens in a way that makes it difficult for them to identify and contest disempowering uses.

📄 Can riots represent? A democratic theory

Political theory has been perennially concerned with interrogating, identifying, and clarifying the political functions of riots. Yet, political theorists have mostly fallen short of explaining the relationship between riots and democracy, although this is central to the democratic theory of contestation and crucial for evaluating the potential values of riots in democracy. I examine the question of riots and democracy through the lens of political representation. Using testimonies from rioters, I explore the disruptive, affirmative, and representational dimensions of riots. I contend that riots can be viewed as a form of political representation in which a self‐constituting subject puts forward claims to an audience on behalf of others and of themselves, showing that riots may sometimes represent a spontaneous and temporary collective subject speaking in the name of others. This underscores the democratic potential of riots to assert a presence that, while short‐lived, is central to the act of representing.

📄 The electoral consequences of mass religious events: India's Kumbh Mela

  • 作者: Siddhartha Baral, Gareth Nellis, Michael Weaver
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Mass ritualized gatherings like pilgrimages are central to religious practice globally. Do they generate votes for religious parties? The events may heighten religiosity, enlarging support for parties seen as owning religious policy issues. Such parties might also co‐opt the events to organize and campaign. We evaluate the electoral impact of India's Kumbh Mela, a Hindu festival considered the world's biggest human assembly, leveraging its astrologically determined timing combined with districts’ proximity by rail to the festival sites. The Kumbh Mela boosts Hindu nationalists’ vote share. Mechanisms tests suggest it does so by increasing religious orthodoxy—seen in the adoption of Brahminical dietary practices—and by strengthening party capacity. There are mixed effects on communal conflict. The events are electorally polarizing; they cause India's main secular‐leaning party to perform better in regions with denser concentrations of religious minorities. Our study offers a new account of how confessional parties make inroads in multiethnic democracies.

📄 A model of policy timing: Hedging, pandering, and gambling

I study a political agency model where a reelection‐seeking politician chooses when to make policy and a voter learns about the politician's competence from its timing, substance, and outcome. It takes time for the politician to receive information about which policy is in the voter's best interest and for the effect of policy to be observed. Due to perverse electoral incentives, politicians engage in three behaviors that limit electoral accountability. First, politicians hedge by delaying policy to hide potential policy failure from voters. Second, politicians pander late in the electoral cycle where they cannot credibly campaign on the success of an unpopular policy. Third, in the hope of producing visible policy success, politicians gamble by making a prompt policy choice when it is in the voter's best interest to delay. I show how politicians use these behaviors strategically in response to different contingencies and study their implications for electoral accountability.

📄 Balancing bossism: State expansion in the face of elite capture

  • 作者: Anna F. Callis, Christopher L. Carter
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Central states have often relied on local elites to implement policies in peripheral areas. These strategies may allow otherwise weak states to impose their directives, but they can also be inefficient, particularly when a single elite commands total control over local politics ( monopolist capture ). We argue that weak states can overcome this equilibrium by creating new subnational positions with distinct appointment rules from existing ones ( balancing ). We evaluate our argument leveraging a natural experiment and novel data on 12,000 sub‐municipal units from turn‐of‐the‐twentieth‐century Peru. We exploit as‐if random variation in population‐based appointment rules for a justice of the peace, the chief institution through which monopolist capture was established. We provide evidence that the Peruvian government responded to monopolist capture by creating local‐level executive positions (lieutenant governors). We further demonstrate that this balancing allowed the state to conduct a 1902 education census, which was otherwise opposed and often blocked by entrenched elites.

📄 Classification algorithms and social outcomes

  • 作者: Elizabeth Maggie Penn, John W. Patty
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Classification algorithms are increasingly important in areas such as obtaining credit, employment, health care, housing, law enforcement, and national security. These classification decisions affect people's lives and, accordingly, can shape their behaviors. We present a formal model of optimal classification by an algorithm designer who may want to affect the distribution of behavior in a population. Our model allows the designer to have a wide array of objectives (such as maximizing compliance or maximizing accuracy, among many others), and these objectives shape equilibrium behavioral outcomes in the population, sometimes in surprising ways. Our results also speak to questions of algorithmic fairness in settings where behavior and algorithms are interdependent, and where measures of fairness focusing on statistical parity across groups may not be appropriate.

📄 Competitive diplomacy in bargaining and war

War is often viewed as a bargaining problem. However, prior to bargaining, countries can vie for leverage by expending effort on diplomacy. This article presents a dynamic model of conflict where agenda‐setting power is endogenous to pre‐bargaining diplomatic competition. The ability to compete for leverage generates a new channel through which the nature of potential war affects the quality of peace. First, costs of war grow the bargaining surplus, fueling the battle for leverage and reducing welfare even if war never occurs on the path of play. Second, competitive diplomacy erodes the gains from peace, making it possible that war is relatively efficient. An extension of the model finds that frictions to cooperation create a risk of costly delay but also protect against erosion of the surplus. Moreover, I find that reliable deals avert “efficient” wars but introduce a trade‐off between welfare and timely settlement.

📄 How FDI reshapes host markets’ trade profile and politics

  • 作者: In Song Kim, Steven Liao, Sayumi Miyano
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
A fast‐growing literature indicates that firms’ engagement in foreign direct investment (FDI) and trade is key to understanding deepening global value chains and their political implications. However, existing studies have mainly focused on the ramifications for FDI home countries while often overlooking the firm‐product level interactions between FDI and trade, where their interdependencies manifest. This study examines how firms’ FDI reshapes host countries’ trade profiles at this level, empowering new political coalitions for trade liberalization. Analyzing greenfield FDI projects globally since 2003, we find that hosts experienced an average increase of over 45 export products in the following year. To overcome the challenges of connecting firms to products, we link FDI data with Vietnamese customs records. We find that Vietnamese export (import) volumes of FDI‐related products increased by 90% (30%) within 4 years of initial investments. Importantly, these products also benefited from more substantial tariff cuts in bilateral Free Trade Agreements.

📄 Mitigating tough times? How material self‐interest influences citizens' welfare state behavior

It is a long‐standing view that citizens support the welfare state because it provides insurance against future income losses. However, existing studies have struggled to isolate the effect of future‐oriented material self‐interest from normative and political predispositions. Using population‐wide, administrative panel data from Denmark, I study citizens' choice to take up government‐funded social insurance in times of economic uncertainty: a critical case for material self‐interest to be at stake. Using as‐if random variation in exposure to signals of unemployment risks, I show that economic uncertainty increases the probability of buying supplementary unemployment insurance coverage. Linking the administrative records to individual‐level survey data reveals that exposure to unemployment risk signals increases feelings of job insecurity, further suggesting that economic worries shape citizens' behavior within the welfare state. These findings highlight the role of material self‐interest in influencing the welfare state, providing valuable insights for policymakers when designing social insurance policies.

📄 Vote buying and local public goods provision: Substitutes or complements?

  • 作者: Jeevan Baniya, Stephen A. Meserve, Daniel Pemstein, Brigitte Seim
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
We seek to better understand the demand side of vote buying: the conditions under which voters participate in, eschew, tolerate, or punish the exchange of targeted material benefits for votes. We ask whether voters perceive vote buying as substituting for local public goods provision in office, or whether they think that candidates who buy votes will excel at securing local public goods. Voters who place great value on future public goods may opt out of vote buying if they believe they are substitutes and punish vote‐buying candidates at the polls. We explore these issues in a nationwide survey in Nepal. Multiple survey experiments provide evidence that Nepali voters perceive vote buying and local public goods provision as substitutes. Voters who hold this view also express a preference for candidates who do not engage in vote buying, implying they prioritize public goods provision, although this latter result is not causally identified.

📄 Commerce, coalitions, and global value chains: Coordinated and collective lobbying on trade

Global value chains (GVCs) have connected firms in complex networks within and across national borders. However, political economy models often assume away production linkages and thus fail to explain pervasive and diverse trade coalitions cutting across industries and firms. I develop a GVC‐centered framework where production linkages through a common foreign partner foster interdependent preferences and collective action for trade liberalization. For empirical tests, I compile firm‐to‐firm supply chain networks, construct direct measures, and estimate various network models. I find that US firms with GVC linkages tend to lobby together, lobby on the same bill, and hire the same lobbyist. Furthermore, GVC linkages among lead firms increase collective lobbying through trade associations. Finally, I show that GVC linkages predict the formation and depth of preferential trade networks. These results provide microfoundations for new coalitional politics under GVCs and challenge the common assumption about industries and firms as isolated political actors.

📄 Decentralized propaganda in the era of digital media: The massive presence of the Chinese state on Douyin

  • 作者: Yingdan Lu, Jennifer Pan, Xu Xu, Yiqing Xu
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
The rise of social media in the digital era poses unprecedented challenges to authoritarian regimes that aim to influence public attitudes and behaviors. To address these challenges, we argue that authoritarian regimes have adopted a decentralized approach to produce and disseminate propaganda on social media. In this model, tens of thousands of government workers and insiders are mobilized to produce and disseminate propaganda, and content flows in a multidirectional, rather than a top‐down manner. We empirically demonstrate the existence of this new model in China by creating a novel data set of over five million videos from over 18,000 regime‐affiliated accounts on Douyin, a popular social media platform in China. This paper supplements prevailing understandings of propaganda by showing theoretically and empirically how digital technologies are transforming not only the content of propaganda, but also how propaganda materials are produced and disseminated.

📄 The political consequences of Africa's mobile revolution

What are the political consequences of rising domestic connectivity? I study this question in Sub‐Saharan Africa, asking how mobile technology shapes public opinion in geographically isolated communities. For remote rural populations, mobile devices increase contact with physically distant social networks, through regular phone calls with urban relatives. These interactions provide personalized information about the economic challenges of city life, which reduce rural trust in government. I offer continent‐wide evidence of this effect, leveraging geocoded survey data and the expansion of mobile coverage across Africa in a difference‐in‐differences setting. I then use a household panel, an original survey, and focus group discussions from Ghana to shed light on mechanisms. The paper advances literature on social networks, migration, and technological change, painting a nuanced picture of Africa's mobile revolution and its multifaceted political effects.

📄 Complementarity in alliances: How strategic compatibility and hierarchy promote efficient cooperation in international security

How can defense alliances reap the efficiency gains of working together when coordination and opportunism costs are high? Although specializing as part of a collective comes with economic and functional benefits, states must bargain over the distribution of those gains and ensure the costs of collective action are minimized. I argue that states can overcome these problems by forming alliances with high strategic compatibility and hierarchy. This approach minimizes opportunism and coordination costs by efficiently distributing defense capabilities, encouraging complementarity rather than redundancy. I demonstrate this by developing a novel network‐level measure of division of labor and applying it to data on national military capabilities from 1970 to 2014. This research not only enhances understanding of the modern international system but also underscores the importance of these considerations for intra‐alliance bargaining more broadly.

📄 Representation increases women's influence in climate deliberations: Evidence from community‐managed forests in Malawi

  • 作者: Amanda Clayton, Boniface Dulani, Katrina Kosec, Amanda Lea Robinson
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Women's inclusion is now the norm in global and local initiatives to combat climate change. We examine how women's representation affects climate deliberations using the case of community‐managed forests in Malawi. We run a lab‐in‐the‐field experiment randomly varying the gender composition of six‐member groups asked to deliberate on policies to combat local overharvesting. We find that any given woman has relatively more influence in group deliberations when women make up a larger share of the group, a change driven by men's assessments of women's influence. Women's presence also shifts the content of deliberations toward prospective solutions for which women have socially recognized expertise (cooking and replanting). Despite these changes, women and men do not prefer different deforestation policies, and women's presence does not meaningfully affect group decisions. Our work demonstrates how women's presence shapes climate deliberations but also calls into question claims that women's inclusion will necessarily affect climate decisions.

📄 The super rich and the rest: Campaign finance pressures and the wealth of politicians

  • 作者: Lucia Motolinia, Marko Klašnja, Simon Weschle
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
We provide a comprehensive theoretical and empirical account of the relationship between campaign finance pressures and the wealth of politicians. We argue that the heavily right‐skewed wealth distributions observed in contemporary societies translate into similarly skewed distributions of campaign resources. Such unequal resources mean that greater pressures to spend on campaigns disproportionately benefit the very wealthy. We also identify several conditions that determine the extent of the financing advantages of the very rich, and at whose expense they accrue. We test our propositions using a unique original data set on the wealth of more than 23,000 national legislators from 41 countries, as well as by exploiting quasi‐random variation in financing pressures provided by recent campaign finance reforms in Brazil and Chile. The analyses consistently show that greater financing pressures lead to greater shares of wealthy, and especially very wealthy legislators, and that these advantages vary in ways consistent with our predictions.

📄 The logic of secret alliances

Alliances are typically understood as agreements intended to deter aggression from enemy states. By signaling an ally's commitment to a protégé state, a shared enemy may be deterred from attacking. In light of this signaling logic, secret alliances are puzzling. Because they are not observed, secret alliances by definition cannot achieve deterrence through signaling. So why do states enter into these secret agreements? We argue that alliances may also act as a signal of a state's intentions, potentially undermining deterrence. If a new alliance signals that the members' interests are unaligned with those of a shared enemy, the enemy may be provoked into war. As a consequence, states sometimes want to keep alliance agreements secret. To develop this argument, we analyze a formal model in which states may enter into secret or public alliance agreements. We find that the possibility of secret alliances has general effects on deterrence—possibly undermining the deterrent value of concurrent public alliances.

📄 The Troubles and Beyond: The impact of a museum exhibit on a post‐conflict society

In divided societies, can museums contribute to healing and recovery? While efforts to memorialize past violence typically aim to promote tolerance and reconciliation, remembering could exacerbate divisions in recovering societies where the past is deeply contested. We examine a transitional justice museum exhibit in Northern Ireland. We combine evidence from nearly 1,400 participants across focus groups, a field experiment at the Troubles and Beyond exhibit in the Ulster Museum, and a survey that randomly exposed respondents to exhibit materials. Our findings indicate that although individuals experience strong emotional responses to the exhibit materials, these emotions do not correspond to shifts in perceptions of past violent conflict or preferences for addressing it. These results may reflect the balanced curation of the museum exhibit, which avoids imposing a singular narrative. While this approach prevents further polarization, it also limits the potential for fostering social cohesion.

📄 Climate crisis and policy inaction in Indonesia

We surveyed voters and politicians in advance of the 2024 Indonesian election to measure preferences for environmental policy. We find that politicians underestimate voter concerns. We conducted an informational experiment with politicians to correct these misperceptions, and we document evidence of learning but no greater support for policy action. We explore three explanations for why voter preferences do not translate into policy. First, politicians only consider acting when their initial misperceptions are particularly large. Second, elite capture prevents politicians from implementing environmental protection. Third, voters prioritize progress in other domains. Our results underscore the multiplicity of challenges facing climate action.

📄 Electoral responses to economic crises

How do voters respond to economic crises: Do they turn against the incumbent, reward a certain political camp, polarize to the extremes, or perhaps continue to vote much like before? Analyzing extensive data on electorates, parties, and individuals in 24 countries for over half a century, we document a systematic pattern whereby economic crises tend to disproportionately favor the right. Three main forces underlie this pattern. First, voters tend to decrease support for the party heading the government when the crisis erupts. Second, after crises, voters tend to assign greater importance to issues typically owned by the right. Third, when center‐right parties preside over a crisis, voters often drift further rightward to nationalist parties rather than defect to the left. The far‐right thus serves as an effective vehicle for keeping the center‐right in power even when facing postcrisis disaffection by its voters.

📄 Testing the stability and temporal order of People of Color Identity and People of Color Solidarity: New evidence from a survey panel of Asian, Black, Latino, and multiracial adults

  • 作者: Andrew M. Engelhardt, Efrén Pérez, Seth K. Goldman, Yuen J. Huo, Tatishe Nteta, Linda R. Tropp
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Two crucial variables in the study of people of color (PoC) are identity and solidarity . Existing work construes identity as more stable than solidarity , with identity shifting solidarity between PoC. However, this view rests on cross‐sectional evidence, limiting researchers’ ability to formally appraise these key variables’ stability and sequence. We report the first longitudinal evidence on these matters by leveraging a unique two‐wave survey of Asian, Black, Latino, and multiracial adults. First, contrary to the current conceptualization, we find PoC solidarity is as stable as PoC identity , suggesting two alternate but durable sources of political unity among these groups. Second, consistent with its present conceptualization, we show PoC identity is associated with shifts in solidarity , but not vice versa. Third, we offer evidence that the dynamics between these variables hold uniformly across different PoC subgroups, highlighting this mega‐group's coherence and political relevance. We conclude by discussing our results’ implications for US inter‐minority politics.

📄 The effect of real‐news party cues

News media routinely offer cues about the stances of party elites, but to what extent do these cues shape the policy opinions of the public? While numerous experiments find that partisans adopt the stances of their leaders, these findings may not generalize easily to the context of real news, which often contains richer policy information and more subtle, ambiguous party cues than the artificial stimuli commonly employed. To investigate the impact of party cues as they naturally appear in news coverage—what I term real‐news party cues —I develop a new experimental paradigm. I first sample 70 articles covering political proposals from a large pool of real news and prepare two versions of each: one with and one without these cues. These articles then serve as stimuli in survey experiments among representative samples of Americans ( n  = 12,177). I find that real‐news party cues have mostly modest effects on policy opinions.

📚 American Sociological Review

📄 The Gendered Intergenerational Transmission of Managerial Status

  • 作者: Nicholas Martindale, Thomas Lyttelton, Lasse Folke Henriksen
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Prior research on managerial attainment highlights inequalities based on gender and ethnicity, but the role of social origins has been neglected. Moreover, past research on intergenerational social mobility does not focus specifically on how parents’ and children’s occupations may be linked. We develop a theoretical model of intergenerational managerial status transmission that we test using event history analysis that tracks managerial attainment (2000 to 2019) for over half a million Danish workers (born 1965 to 1975). Results reveal that children of managers are substantially more likely to become managers than the children of non-managers, and this inheritance is stronger for sons and for those with senior managerial origins. For children of lower-level managers, this is primarily related to advantages in early life (parental economic capital, educational attainment), but descendants of senior managers additionally benefit from advantages that accumulate later (career trajectories, elite social connections). Gender and seniority effects intersect to produce a particularly striking advantage for the sons of senior-managerial fathers. Much of this advantage remains unexplained after testing a large set of potential mediators, implying a considerable role for male-dominated forms of elite cultural and social capital (e.g., membership in exclusive clubs) and underscoring the limits to formal organizational approaches to equalizing outcomes at the very top of the occupational hierarchy.

📚 Big Data & Society

📄 Beyond words: How LLMs mirror human needs and values generating synthetic data

  • 作者: Berta Chulvi, José Ángel Gonzalez, Lara Fontanella, Francisco Rangel
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
The rapid advancement of Generative AI, particularly large language models (LLMs), has sparked an extensive debate regarding the use of synthetic data in social research. Beyond the profound epistemological implications of this possibility, the first prerequisite for its feasibility is to test if such models adjust their responses to capture the vast individual and social diversity found in human populations and, if so, to what extent their outputs are comparable to those observed in human samples. This study investigates whether LLM-generated synthetic personas can accurately express basic psychological needs and human values considering a wide range of distinct individual and social positions. Additionally, to assess whether the model can maintain such consistency beyond information available within the scientific community, we propose a novel task in which the model cannot rely on prior knowledge. The findings suggest that a language model, such as GPT-4o , embodies a set of implicit theories about how a human with specific characteristics would respond to a questionnaire on basic needs and values, and it can apply these theories with sufficient consistency both when responding to an established scale and to a newly developed one. We further examine how certain aspects of our results align with key limitations identified in the critical literature on the use of synthetic data.

📄 Embedding ethics in infrastructures for data-intensive health research

  • 作者: Tessa I van Rijssel, Marianne Boenink
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Data-intensive health research requires robust infrastructure, encompassing the material, social, and institutional structures that facilitate large-scale data storage, sharing, and linkage. Such infrastructures are a central element of the research process, offering opportunities to integrate ethical considerations and promote responsible research practices. We analyze different ways of embedding ethics in infrastructures for data-intensive health research and their consequences for the allocation of responsibilities: guidelines and policies aimed at (i) individual actors like researchers; (ii) social arrangements, including committee review and data stewardship; and (iii) material elements and technological measures such as encryption. We argue that different approaches to embedding ethical considerations influence the behavior and latitude of involved actors, which moral competences are required, and how responsibilities are distributed among actors. Infrastructures play a crucial role in allocating responsibilities for addressing ethical concerns and preventing or mitigating undesirable outcomes, and thus in fostering responsible research practices. However, the benefits of specific ways of embedding ethics in infrastructures must be weighed against potential downsides, such as increased regulatory burdens and bureaucracy, and potential impacts on researchers’ moral competences.

📄 (Re)assembling algorithmic resistance: An integrative review of research-machines

Despite a growing interest in how prevailing influences of algorithmic systems are being resisted, debates about algorithmic resistance unfold within conceptually diverse but disconnected scholarly conversations. Adopting a new materialist ontology, this integrative review traces algorithmic resistance's multiple conceptualizations across a growing interdisciplinary landscape. Academic publications are understood and analyzed as the outputs of research-machines : assemblages of theories, methods, technologies, researchers, disciplinary norms, and institutional logics that collectively produce particular visions of algorithmic resistance (while muting others). Reviewing 106 items, this study analyzes how diverging understandings of algorithmic resistance and its properties are territorialized within particular problem spaces: configurations of agencies, problematizations, and locations. Seven contrasting clusters of research-machines are identified (e.g.,Algorithm Aversion, Mundane Opposition, or Epistemic and Ontological Refusal) according to their shared productions of algorithmic resistance. Properties of these outputs are understood along six essential axes (intentionality, scale, visibility, materiality, temporality, relationality) and arranged into a provisional topography of intensities, silences, overlaps, and tensions within current scholarship on algorithmic resistance. This review offers two principal contributions: First, it provides an integrative perspective on the fragmented landscape of interdisciplinary scholarship that reveals how algorithmic resistances are produced within specific problem spaces and unfold along a topography of properties. Second, it advances a conceptual understanding of research-machines that sensitizes toward knowledge practices as sites at which the conditions and capacities of resistance to algorithmic power are constituted and configured.

📚 British Journal of Political Science

📄 When Legislators Do Not Differentiate: A Field Experiment on British MPs’ Responses to Constituent Policy Queries

  • 作者: Daniel Bischof, Vanessa Cheng-Matsuno, Gidon Cohen, Sarah Cohen, Florian Foos, Patrick M Kuhn, Kyriaki Nanou, Neil Visalvanich, Nick Vivyan
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
How do legislators respond to constituent policy queries? Existing research suggests that legislators vary their responsiveness and tailor response content depending on constituent congruence, raising normative concerns about legislator–constituent communication. We report results from a pre-registered audit study of UK MPs which is the first to test whether legislators in party-centred parliamentary democracies vary substantive response rates and content depending on constituent–party policy congruence. We theorise that electoral incentives lead MPs to respond more to congruent constituents, and to place more emphasis on self over party when doing so. Our audit study uses real constituents as confederates, allowing better measurement of substantive responses. We find little evidence that constituent–party congruence affects MPs’ responsiveness or the personal versus party emphasis of their replies. These null findings refine understanding of legislator behaviour in parliamentary systems and are normatively encouraging regarding the role that legislator–constituent policy communications can play in parliamentary democracies.

📚 British Journal of Sociology

📄 Self‐Description and the Agro‐Industry's Response to Environmental Crises

This article explores how self‐descriptions can orient organisations towards trajectories that sustain activities that contribute to environmental crises while simultaneously acknowledging both the crises themselves and the need for transformative responses. Existing research on organisational responses has shown how environmental crises are framed, mediated and interpreted in ways that confine responses within a business‐as‐usual approach. This study develops and demonstrates an alternative, sociological approach for analysing organisational responses that focuses on how the constitution of an organisational ‘self’ shapes the organisation's interpretation of and involvement in environmental crises. This approach provides more foundational insights into how the conditions are enacted in which organisational responses can emerge and be recognised as such. Empirically, the paper focuses on the main agricultural industry association in Denmark, examining how it describes the conventional Danish agro‐industry in relation to environmental crises. The analysis identifies three key elements in the self‐description and explores how they shape the organisational response. The findings show that this self‐description positions the agro‐industry as a solution rather than a driver of environmental crises, thereby legitimising the continuation of existing production practices as a form of response.

📄 Democracy From Within: A Democratic Cultural Schema in the US Public

  • 作者: Johan Gøtzsche‐Astrup, Oluf Gøtzsche‐Astrup
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Are members of the public still committed to democracy? Existing studies often ask whether members of the public sanction political actors who break institutional or procedural norms. In contrast, we study a shared cultural horizon, which grounds democracy as a way of living. Drawing on Civil Sphere Theory and the sociology of culture and cognition, we conceptualise the horizon as a binary discourse, which can be internalised as a cultural schema by individuals. Through a concept association task administered to a representative sample of the US public, we uncover a widely internalised democratic schema, which is shared across partisan divides and predicts evaluations of political actors. We temper fears of democratic decline, at least at the level of a shared cultural horizon in the United States, provide an individual‐level perspective on Civil Sphere Theory, and bridge two sometimes conflicting traditions in cultural sociology.

📄 Childhood Residential Mobility and the Life‐Course Accumulation of Wealth Inequalities: Evidence From the 1958 British Birth Cohort

Wealth inequality is a central dimension of social stratification, yet the early‐life processes underlying its emergence remain insufficiently understood. This article examines whether childhood residential mobility contributes to adult wealth accumulation, through which developmental pathways, and under what conditions. Drawing on longitudinal data from the 1958 National Child Development Study, I link residential histories from birth to age 16 to homeownership and net financial wealth at age 33. Childhood mobility is conceptualised as a multidimensional process that captures the frequency and timing of moves, as well as whether residential change coincided with school disruption. The results reveal a clear stratified pattern. Occasional moves are largely benign by early adulthood, but repeated mobility is associated with lower wealth and reduced access to homeownership, especially when it extends into adolescence or disrupts schooling. Mediation analyses indicate that these associations operate more clearly through adolescent psychosocial difficulties than through cognitive performance. Moderated mediation models further indicate that psychosocial pathways are concentrated among children who are outside financially secure owner‐occupied households at age 16. By highlighting how childhood residential instability becomes embedded in later wealth accumulation, this study extends sociological accounts of stratification beyond labour market outcomes to the developmental and housing foundations of asset inequality.

📚 Comparative Political Studies

📄 Communities Without Credit: The Political Implications of Deprivation in Access to Banking Services

A growing body of research links public service provision to political geographies. Yet an increasing share of services in Western countries is delivered by private companies. This article argues that the political implications of service deprivation extend beyond state-provided services for two reasons: first, because private services support communities through socioeconomic channels, and second, because citizens can hold governments accountable for maintaining access to essential services, regardless of whether they are publicly or privately delivered. To test these arguments, I examine bank branch closures in Spain, which have harmed local economies, reduced financial access for individuals and firms, and generated grievances in affected communities. Difference-in-differences models, survey data, and qualitative protest event analyses show that branch closures fueled protest voting, increased distrust, and heightened economic pessimism among locals. The findings highlight how service privatization can reshape electoral behavior and contribute to political polarization, with implications for regulation and democratic accountability.

📚 Democratization

📄 Inclusive representation and perceived democratic performance under democratic backsliding. Evidence from a full-factorial experiment in Hungary

.

📚 Economic Sciences Research in PNAS

📄 Productivity gains and work conditions in coercive labor markets: Experimental evidence from the Bangladesh brick sector

  • 作者: Grant Miller, Debashish Biswas, Aprajit Mahajan, Kimberly Singer Babiarz, Nina Brooks, Jessie Brunner, Sania Ashraf, Jack Shane, Alvise Scarabosio, Sameer Maithel, Shoeb Ahmed, Moogdho Mahzab, Mohammad Rofi Uddin, Mahbubur Rahman, Stephen P. Luby
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Productivity growth in competitive labor markets can improve worker welfare over time through higher wages or better conditions, but it is unclear if productivity gains benefit workers in coercive labor markets (where force or threats shape employment). We examine this issue in the Bangladesh brick sector using a randomized trial that introduced a more efficient production method. Despite large productivity improvements, we find no reduction in (high) rates of labor trafficking or child labor. These findings suggest that in the short-term, productivity growth alone may be insufficient to improve work conditions in coercive settings.

📄 Technical sophistication is not evidence

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Volume 123, Issue 29, July 2026.

📚 European Journal of Political Research

📄 Political power and the global expansion of the value-added tax

How does political power shape tax collection? This article addresses this question by focusing on the most prominent fiscal phenomenon of the recent decades – the rise of the value-added tax (VAT). Drawing on insights from the political economy literature, I test the argument that governments with strong legislative support raise more revenues from the VAT as an effective tool to improve public finances in the short term. Results from a global sample of democracies between 1990 and 2020 provide support for this argument. The effect is particularly pronounced among developing countries, where the VAT is often the tax type that accounts for the largest share of public revenues. These findings illustrate the role of domestic political dynamics in shaping the rise of the VAT to its status as a primary revenue source for the modern tax state.

📄 Occupational labor markets, skills, and immigration concerns: Panel data evidence for Germany

Economic crises, technological change, and labor market transformations have long shaped political attitudes, particularly toward immigration. While existing research links occupational risks to anti-immigration preferences, which specific occupations drive this relationship remains underexplored. This research note addresses this gap by examining how occupation-specific skills (OSS) – defined as the amount of skills required to work in a given occupation – moderate the relationship between occupational labor market conditions and immigration attitudes. Drawing on sociological and comparative political economy perspectives, the paper argues that individuals with high levels of OSS are especially sensitive to deterioration in their occupation’s labor market conditions. The central theoretical implication is that adverse changes in occupational labor markets generate stronger political anti-immigration reactions among high-OSS workers, including Managers and (Associate) Professionals. Importantly, OSS are conceptually distinct from other occupational dimensions used in the literature, such as task specificity, and from other skill dimensions, such as general skill. The empirical analysis draws on over 20 years of longitudinal data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP), finding evidence consistent with the argument. The findings contribute to ongoing debates about the political behavior of high-skilled workers, a group whose attitudes toward immigration remain contested.

📚 European Political Science Review

📄 From ideals to practice: a mixed-methods study into populist citizens’ acceptance of the outcomes of participatory budgeting

  • 作者: Rosa Kindt, Lisa van Dijk, Kristof Jacobs
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Citizens with high populist attitudes are ‘dissatisfied democrats’ because they desire more power to the people. PB apparently addresses this desire, since it takes power away from the elite and gives it back to the people. However, are populist participants indeed more willing to accept the outcome of alternative decision-making procedures when they themselves contributed to it? Taking a mixed-methods approach, combining survey data with interviews with participants to three Dutch PBs, this paper assesses how the populist legitimacy framework works out in practice. The quantitative analysis finds no evidence that populist participants are more (or less) willing to accept the outcome of PB. The interview analysis, however, shows that the underlying mechanisms differ between populist and non-populist participants, indicating a ‘populist experience’. While both populists and non-populists lauded the overall process, populist participants in particular felt heard by their fellow participants and were happy that they got what they wanted and this increased their overall satisfaction. The non-populist participants were more focused on the organisation, and highlighted that the participants were often not entirely representative of the broader population, but they were satisfied with the process, and this trumped the other considerations.

📄 Young candidates: why don’t they get elected?

Parliaments at all levels of government do not necessarily resemble the society they represent. Such parliaments are generally more masculine, less diverse in terms of ethnicity and region, and older than the population. Focusing on youth’s underrepresentation, we are interested in why young people do not get elected. Using the German local elections as a case and looking at a random sample of 100 German municipal elections comprising more than 6400 candidates, we find that youth’s underrepresentation stems to a large degree from their underrepresentation in the candidate pool. In addition, we also discover that youth face some disadvantages in the electoral process. However, these disadvantages are subtle, in that parties are less likely to put young candidates on the top and most electorally advantaged list positions. Voters, in turn, do not generally vote less for young candidates, but they vote less for them if youth occupy a top list position.

📚 European Sociological Review

📄 Positive effects of his and her income on first births: couple-level evidence from longitudinal tax data in Italy

This study adopts a couple-level approach to assess whether higher-income women (men) experience lower (higher) fertility due to opportunity costs and conventional gender norms or whether income pooling within couples facilitates parenthood. We test the well-established gendered relationship between income and fertility in Italy, a country historically known for its division of family roles along traditional gender lines. Utilizing longitudinal tax data (2003–2022; n = 8,039,372 person-years) from Tuscany—a region representing Italian-average levels of economic development and gender equality—we apply discrete-time event-history analyses. Results show that higher income for both men and women increases the likelihood of the first birth. Married couples in which both partners are high earners (low earners) are the most (least) likely to become parents, while hypergamous/hypogamous couples lie in between. These findings challenge traditional sex-specialization models and support the view that couples’ income pooling is a key factor for parenthood, which might compensate for weak public policies through private outsourcing. The positive income–fertility association grew slightly stronger in the late 2010s, suggesting rising economic prerequisites to union formation and parenthood. Overall, the findings highlight the economic stratification of parenthood in a context of high childlessness and rising costs of having a child.

📚 Gender & Society

📄 Who Receives Scientific Deference? Gender and the Public Construction of Social Scientists

Drawing on feminist metascience and Ridgeway’s “framed by gender” theory, I ask: How are men and women social scientists constructed in public media? I conduct a comparative analysis of media portrayals of eight public sociologists (four women–men pairs): Arlie Hochschild–Barry Glassner, Juliet Schor–Richard Florida, Angela Duckworth–Daniel Kahneman, and Michelle Alexander–William Julius Wilson. Findings reveal that women’s work is frequently de-legitimized by trivializing their contributions and emphasizing political biases, whereas men’s work is framed as empirical, rigorous, and legitimate, even when flawed. Women are often denied what I call “scientific deference” á la Goffman. These asymmetries underscore that scientific meritocracy and objectivity are not intrinsic properties of science but are instead culturally constructed ideals. By demonstrating how media narratives reflect and sustain gendered hierarchies of epistemic authority, this study extends feminist critiques of science beyond STEM and highlights the role of public discourse in shaping who counts as a legitimate scientist.

📄 Claiming Novelty, Claiming Authority: Gender Gaps in Scientific Impact across Disciplines

How does gender shape who can successfully claim authority in science, and how does this vary across disciplines? Drawing upon theories of doing gender and feminist epistemologies, I examine a key mechanism through which scientific authority is established: novelty claims, defined as rhetorical statements that frame research as novel, distinct from actual novelty. These claims operate as gendered professional practices linking gender to scientific impact. Through analysis of 106,125 papers from SciSciNet and Microsoft Academic Graph databases, I find that novelty claims mediate gender gaps in citations differently across disciplines. In STEM fields, women first and last authors make fewer novelty claims than men, and this is associated with fewer citations. In humanities and social sciences, novelty claims remain positively associated with citations, but there are no gender differences in their use or in citations. These patterns persist after controlling for women’s representation in each field, indicating that gender hierarchy gets reproduced through deeper epistemic power relations rather than demographic imbalance.

📄 Women as the First Open Scientists: Five Stories of the Neglected Contributions of Women in (Social) Science Reform History

Recent years have seen growing emphasis on “Open Science,” a movement to enhance research transparency, robustness, and accountability. Prompted by concerns over fraud, questionable research practices, and low reproducibility in psychological research that emerged in the 2010s, Open Science has been framed by some dominant advocates as a new approach to research in psychology and across the social sciences. However, women in social science have long practiced and promoted principles now hailed as innovative, although their contributions are often left out of mainstream narratives. This erasure is troubling, especially as feminist scholars have critiqued the increasingly exclusionary culture of mainstream science reform. This article traces the overlooked contributions of five pioneering women: Mary Whiton Calkins and her replication efforts in the 1890s; Helen Bradford Thompson Woolley, who advocated for analytical precision in the 1910s; Alice Bryan’s 1940s adversarial collaboration; Carolyn Wood Sherif’s metascientific work in the 1960s; and Leonore Tiefer’s promotion of conflict-of-interest declarations of sex research in the 2000s. I document how their contributions laid the intellectual foundations of what is now contemporary Open Science in the social sciences. In doing so, I celebrate a lineage of feminist scientific labor that has always emphasized openness, ethics, and equity.

📄 Feminist Metascience, Feminist Open Science? Pain Points and Possibilities

  • 作者: Christin L. Munsch, Daisy Verduzco Reyes
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
This introduction brings feminist scholarship into conversation with metascience and open science. Drawing on feminist epistemology, we argue scientific reform is not a neutral technical project. Rather, practices intended to improve rigor, transparency, and accessibility may also expose marginalized scholars and research participants to harm, reproduce inequality, and facilitate hostile scrutiny, particularly in the current political environment. These tensions point to the need for feminist metascience and feminist open science. We define feminist metascience as the study of how gender and intersecting relations of power shape the production, evaluation, circulation, and correction of scientific knowledge, and we define feminist open science as an approach to transparency that remains attentive to care, protection, and risk. We offer these definitions and the articles in this special issue as a starting point for larger conversations about how feminist scholarship might contribute to emerging debates over scientific reform.

📚 International Organization

📄 Norm Making from the Margins: Armed Groups, the Algerian War, and South–South Legal Politics

How do armed groups waging asymmetrical wars assert political and legal subjectivity in an international order that historically excluded them? This article recovers the FLN’s groundbreaking legal activism during the Algerian War of Independence, arguing that it staged the most far-reaching challenge of its kind to international humanitarian law’s (IHL) imperial order from below through South–South legal politics. Acting as norm entrepreneurs, FLN jurists contested the existing limits on IHL’s scope and applicability while developing new institutional practices of insurgent normativity that established a disseminable model for other armed groups. In doing so, they put forward a set of legal arguments and practices that helped structure how later armed groups would invoke and substantially develop IHL under conditions of asymmetry. Based on previously inaccessible Algerian, Southern African, and state socialist archival materials, this article deepens existing accounts of normative change by reconstructing the concrete legal practices, institutional strategies, and legal-political thought through which Southern actors challenged IHL and international organizations from the margins of the international order.

📚 International Political Science Review

📄 Self-interested altruism? Understanding preferences for social welfare inclusion in aging China

How does population aging shape individuals’ welfare attitudes toward migrants? As fiscal pressures mount in aging societies, people reassess the costs and benefits of incorporating migrants into social welfare systems. We argue that in the context of population aging, individuals’ support for migrant inclusion increases when migrants are perceived as net contributors rather than dependents. Using original survey data from China, one of the most rapidly aging countries, we examine how individual age and regional aging jointly structure welfare attitudes toward migrants. We find that older people are more supportive than younger people of including migrants in contributory social insurance, but not in general tax-financed social services. However, this age-based gap narrows in older regions, where rising elderly dependency leads younger people to express support for migrant inclusion. By highlighting the interaction between individual life-cycle position and regional demographic structure, these findings demonstrate that demographic change reshapes self-interested welfare preferences. Our study extends research on migrant inclusion in social welfare to developing-country contexts that remain underexamined.

📚 Journal of Asian and African Studies

📄 When protest wins, but institutions endure: Post-victory mechanisms and the afterlives of contemporary uprisings in Asia

  • 作者: Mohammad Mustafizur Rahman, Sakiba Binte Yusuf, Chitrita Prusty, Sonali Das, Sthita Prajna, Madhusmita Pattanaik, Rajani Agrawalla
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Protests across Asia have forced resignations and policy reversals, yet the institutional orders they challenge often endure. This article examines how protest victories may reproduce institutional continuity under specific conditions rather than produce structural transformation. Based on 120 interviews, digital-trace analysis, comparative process tracing, comparative mechanism testing, and triangulated coding across Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Indonesia, the study demonstrates how three analytically distinct post-victory mechanisms—elite adaptation, digital narrative containment, and symbolic co-optation—interact to convert disruption into institutional stability. Cross-case comparison reveals variation in the dominance of mechanisms across regime contexts. The argument applies to non-revolutionary protests occurring under conditions of institutional continuity, elite cohesion, and digitally mediated public spheres. Moving beyond success–failure binaries, the study reframes protest outcomes as processes of absorption shaping political continuity.

📄 Beyond Mandal: Developmental populism and the persistence of caste in Bihar’s electoral politics

This article examines the persistence of caste in Bihar’s electoral politics amid governance reforms and welfare expansion between 2005 and 2025. Drawing on the Bihar caste survey (2023) and the Assembly election (2025), it develops the concept of Developmental Populist Governance to explain how caste-based elite power-sharing coexists with welfare-driven mobilisation. It argues that development does not displace identity politics but reshapes it, with welfare mediated through caste networks. Using qualitative analysis, the study shows that caste remains central to political behaviour, contributing to broader debates on how welfare stabilises democracy without transforming underlying social hierarchies.

📄 Antecedents of retirement decisions in the Pakistan public school sector

  • 作者: Rizwan Shaikh, Yousueng Han, Kwangseon Hwang
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
This study examines retirement decision-making among public school teachers in Sindh, Pakistan, where a large, diverse teaching workforce and ongoing pension reform debates make institutional uncertainty and collectivist norms unusually salient. Drawing on a cross-sectional survey of 316 teachers and the theory of planned behavior (TPB)—with construct validity and reliability supported by confirmatory factor analysis and McDonald’s ω—a hierarchical TPB regression explains approximately 57% of the variance in retirement decision orientation. Subjective norms (organizational commitment and perceived social expectations) contribute the largest incremental block; attitudinal and financial control factors add less once norms are accounted for. A mediation analysis indicates that perceived financial control predicts retirement planning, which in turn predicts stronger retirement intent. Teachers’ retirement decisions thus appear embedded in organizational attachment and social context rather than driven by individual financial calculation, a pattern we attribute to cultural collectivism and institutional loyalty in Sindh’s public sector. Descriptive subgroup comparisons by gender, age cohort, and rank are consistent with this pattern. Policy implications identify school networks and teacher associations as low-cost leverage points for retirement counseling, clearer pension communication, and targeted financial literacy programs.

📄 Of <i>gate-crashers</i> and <i>thorns</i> : A critical discourse analysis of the representation of women politicians in Pakistani English-language newspapers

  • 作者: Sharifah N. H. Alkaff, Awais Rubbani
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
In this study, news reports featuring Pakistani women politicians from two English-language newspapers were collected from three time periods to investigate how these politicians are being reported and if the media representation reflected a more positive trend towards the end of the periods examined. Critical discourse analysis was used to examine the 488 media texts. The findings show that in terms of negative framing, the portrayal of these women has worsened dramatically over time. The entrenched gendered power hierarchies within the political system of the nation are perceived to be the main cause of this condition.

📄 Do I look like a refugee? Challenging the passive victim narrative of refugeehood in Tongogara refugee settlement

  • 作者: Joyce Takaindisa, Gracsious Maviza, Raramai Campbell, Joram Tarusarira, Joseph Makanda
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
This article examines refugee framing and agency in the context of protracted displacement in Zimbabwe, drawing on research conducted in Tongogara Refugee Settlement (TRS) in December 2024. Using Giddens’ structuration theory and Brun’s concept of active agency-in-waiting, it employs qualitative methods, including in-depth discussions and observations with 24 refugees. Findings show that refugees navigate restrictive policies by engaging in the informal economy, trading and bartering with their host communities, and leveraging opportunities such as learning the English language to earn extra income through interpretation services. These practices promote social cohesion, challenging assumptions of inevitable conflict between refugees and their host communities. Significantly, while refugees demonstrate agency and resilience, this often arises from systemic inadequacies such as insufficient aid provision, underscoring the need to avoid romanticizing refugee resourcefulness in ways that absolve state and humanitarian actors of their obligations and responsibility. Overall, the study highlights how governance structures and grassroot relations simultaneously constrain and enable refugee agency, reframing refugeehood beyond stereotypes of dependency and victimhood.

📄 Voices from the High Atlas: Survivor narratives, linguistic inequality, and meaning-making after the 2023 Morocco earthquake

On 8 September 2023, a 6.4-magnitude earthquake hit Morocco, causing significant devastation to remote communities in the High Atlas. Nearly 3000 people died, more than 6000 were injured, and destruction was widespread. Limited attention has been paid to how survivors narrate and linguistically construct their experiences of trauma and survival. This study examines how survivors articulate loss, resilience, and meaning through their own accounts. Using a qualitative approach, the study integrates thematic analysis, narrative inquiry, and phenomenological analysis. The data consist of 36 publicly available video testimonies that were transcribed and translated from Moroccan Arabic (Darija) and Tamazight into English. These testimonies were sourced from interviews conducted by various national and international news organizations. Four main themes emerged: emotional and material devastation; religious meaning-making; collective solidarity; and calls for government intervention. The findings also reveal linguistic inequality: many Amazigh survivors were expected to recount traumatic experiences in Moroccan Arabic rather than Tamazight, which placed on them the double burden of processing trauma while simultaneously translating their emotions.

📄 Islamic resistance and multipolarity: Iran’s religious narrative against Western dominance

  • 作者: Sayyad Sadri Alibabalu, Azam Ahmadi, Muharrem Bagir, Ghulam Faroq Keskin
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
This paper examines the role of religious discourse in shaping the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with a particular focus on the speeches of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. It argues that Iran’s foreign policy is neither purely ideological nor strictly pragmatic; rather, it emerges from the interplay between Shiite (Shia) religious concepts and geopolitical imperatives. Central concepts—such as the Islamic Revolution, the oppressed (mostazafin), the Islamic Ummah, jihad, resistance, and martyrdom—form a coherent semantic system that legitimizes strategic policies, anti-hegemonic positions, and support for allied non-state actors across the Middle East. By linking theological narratives to strategic objectives, Iran frames its foreign policy within a moral–religious universe, positioning itself as a defender of oppressed communities, a promoter of South–South solidarity, and a challenger to Western-dominated international structures. The study demonstrates that while religious ideology provides normative and motivational resources, practical foreign policy decisions are shaped by structural, geopolitical, and domestic constraints, reflecting a hybrid strategy that combines moral discourse with strategic pragmatism.

📚 Journal of Conflict Resolution

📄 Blueprints and Blind Spots: Sixty Years of Mediation Scholarship and the Design of Peace Processes

  • 作者: Allard Duursma, Govinda Clayton, David Lanz, Marc Werner
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
This article reviews 60 years of academic research on peace mediation. Drawing on 395 academic articles published between 1966 and 2025, we assess the field through six core mediation process design questions: why, when, who, how, what, and where . We show that scholarship has generated important insights but has often addressed design questions in isolation, with limited attention to how they interact in practice. The literature on peace mediation is therefore marked by blind spots and conceptual fragmentation, not fully capturing the integrated nature of mediation processes. Organizing existing research through a process design framework allows us to identify key gaps and connections across strands of scholarship. We argue that research should more explicitly address the interdependence of design factors. This perspective clarifies priorities for future mediation research by identifying analytically promising questions and highlighting opportunities for more systematic and comparative inquiry.

📚 Journal of Contemporary China

📄 China’s UN Diplomacy on the Russo-Ukrainian War

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 Cultivated Memories and Selective Nationalism in China: Evidence on the United States and Russia

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties

📄 Party position knowledge, ideological consistency, and the representation gap: evidence from the 2024 European elections

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 Disrupting democracy: how informational pathways and misinformation shape trust in election results

  • 作者: Patrícia Rossini, Camila Mont'Alverne, Antonis Kalogeropoulos
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Journal of Information Technology & Politics

📄 “TikTok refugees”: motivations and political correlates of international platform migration

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Journal of Peace Research

📄 When the river changes course: aid shocks, security partnerships, and regime stability

Existing research has demonstrated that regimes with access to aid and other forms of support may be better able to forestall challenges to their rule, become more institutionally entrenched, and thus survive longer. Occasionally, however, the donors that provide such assistance withdraw it suddenly. This is often to signal disapproval over some action or to coerce the recipient in some way. Surprisingly, little work has been done toward understanding the effects of these sudden shocks to foreign assistance on the political stability of the recipient country. If one of the primary mechanisms through which external sources of support affect survival is the ability to prevent challenges to the regime, it follows that sudden negative deviations in such support should have significant consequences for regime stability. Aid—especially military aid—is often highly strategic: donors reward with aid those they wish to keep in power, and withdraw it from regimes they wish to punish. Aid shocks can be either deliberate or coincidental. In either case, such shocks may have destabilizing effects, as domestic actors may interpret them as signals that a coup might be welcome. Using an original measure of aid shocks, I find support for this intuition, but only in regimes without a broader security relationship with the U.S. I argue that in these cases, the security relationship deters regime opponents from moving against the government. These findings add to our knowledge of the effects of external revenue and support in regimes, and also underscore the critical role that international signals play in regime survival.

📚 Journal of Political Science Education

📄 Teaching in Turbulent Times While Maintaining Hope for the Future: Introducing the Symposium

  • 作者: Charity Butcher, Alasdair Blair, Elizabeth Gordon, Alison Rios Millett McCartney, Maia Carter Hallward, Tavishi Bhasin, Simon Usherwood
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Journal of Survey Statistics and Methodology

📄 Causal Discovery with Incomplete Data Integrated from Multiple Sources

  • 作者: Asrat Ayele Woldemariam, Yingchun Zhou, Yuqi Qiu
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Missing data poses fundamental challenges for causal discovery in observational studies, particularly when inferring directed acyclic graphs that represent underlying cause-and-effect relationships. Traditional approaches to handling missing data, such as complete-case analysis, can introduce biases and reduce the reliability of causal inferences. While multiple imputation via chained equations represents the current standard for handling missing data, its effectiveness for causal discovery is limited by both the absence of complete observations and the lack of principled methods for aggregating causal graphs across imputed datasets. This work introduces a novel unified framework that integrates causal structure learning directly into the imputation process. The key innovation lies in using preliminary adjacency information to estimate missingness propensity scores, which are then incorporated into the imputation model together with source indicator variables to generate more accurate estimates of missing values. The conditional independence test is implemented with source indicators included in the conditioning set, and by pooling test statistics rather than graph structures across multiple imputations, the proposed approach addresses the traditional challenge of graph aggregation while maintaining statistical rigor. Simulation studies demonstrate that the proposed framework achieves better performance compared to the traditional approach across all relevant metrics. The proposed framework is adapted to handle complex survey data by incorporating survey weights and survey design in both data imputation and conditional independence tests for causal discovery. When applied to childhood anthropometric survey data from Mali, the proposed approach produces results that better align with expected outcomes. By combining imputation and causal discovery in a unified process while accounting for survey design, it provides survey researchers with a practical tool for integrating and analyzing incomplete, complex survey data from multiple sources or time points.

📄 Probability Snowball Sampling from Graphs, with an Application to Actor-Actor Network

  • 作者: Melike Oguz-Alper, Li-Chun Zhang
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
One can study any real graphs based on the subgraphs obtained by probability sampling. This is useful when it is either infeasible or too costly to process the whole graph due to various reasons. We consider probability snowball sampling (SBS) from graphs, where the initial node sample is selected with known probabilities, and each following wave of observation is carried out exactly as specified. The literature on design-based inference for probability SBS from graphs has limited scope, and there does not exist any design-unbiased strategy that generally makes use of units (or networks of units) obtained after the initial sample. In this paper, we adopt a unified framework for T-wave SBS from graphs, where the study units are not limited to the nodes in the graph but may be any finite-order subgraphs, say, triangles, cycles, or stars. We propose two practical design-unbiased strategies for estimating the corresponding graph totals, which considerably extend the previous approaches to probability SBS. The practitioners are thereby provided with richer choices to improve sampling efficiency, which we will demonstrate with an application to the actor-actor network from IMDb.

📚 Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, Series A (Statistics in Society)

📄 Gaussian process priors with Markov properties for effective reproduction number inference

  • 作者: Jessalyn N Sebastian, Volodymyr M Minin
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Many quantities characterizing infectious disease outbreaks—like the effective reproduction number (Rt), defined as the average number of secondary infections an infected individual causes—need to be modelled as time-varying parameters. It is common to use Gaussian random walks as priors for estimating such functions in Bayesian analyses of surveillance data because their Markov structure provides efficient computation and ease of implementation. In this setting, however, the random walk prior may be too permissive, as it fails to capture prior scientific knowledge about the estimand and yields high posterior variance. An alternative is to use a computationally efficient approximation of a more complex Gaussian process, but such approximations introduce additional choices that can be difficult to interpret and tune. We propose several Gaussian Markov process priors that retain the advantages of random walks while encoding stronger smoothness or stationarity assumptions. In particular, we consider Integrated Brownian Motion and Matérn Gaussian process priors, both of which can be represented as Markov processes when augmented with their corresponding derivative processes. Through simulations and application to SARS-CoV-2 data, we show that these priors improve precision relative to random walks, but remain computationally efficient and easy to implement.

📄 Quantifying regional variation in Ivermectin use during the pandemic using regularized synthetic controls

We analyse 36 months of weekly US prescription claims spanning the COVID-19 pandemic to investigate overconsumption of the antiparasitic drug Ivermectin (IVM). To quantify the IVM overconsumption following the heightened public attention as a COVID-19 treatment, we adopt a causal framework, comparing IVM prescription trends to those of a large set of control medications. We employ a regularized synthetic control method using continuous spike-and-slab shrinkage priors to estimate state-level deviations in IVM consumption. This approach offers decision-theoretic guarantees on predictive risk, for downstream policy analysis at multiple-time points after the intervention. Its empirical robustness is demonstrated through extensive validation checks. We find a modest increase in IVM prescriptions following early reports of its potential therapeutic use, with no significant surge over the subsequent 8 months, followed by a pronounced increase coinciding with the peak in COVID-19 cases. Strikingly, elevated IVM use persisted even after COVID-19 vaccines became widely available and federal countermeasures were implemented. Our estimation captures the heterogeneity in long-term effectiveness of these countermeasures across states. We find that state-level political affiliation significantly explains variation in overconsumption, even after accounting for COVID-19 incidence, highlighting regional disparities and the need for more targeted and trusted public health messaging.

📄 A Bayesian approach to estimate causal peer influence accounting for latent network homophily

  • 作者: Seungha Um, Tracy Sweet, Samrachana Adhikari
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Researchers have focused on understanding how an individual’s behaviour is influenced by their peers behaviours in observational studies of social networks. Identifying and estimating causal peer influence, however, is challenging due to confounding by homophily, where people tend to connect with those who share similar characteristics. Moreover, since all the attributes driving homophily are generally not always observed, identifying and estimating causal peer influence becomes infeasible using standard causal identification assumptions. In this paper, we address this challenge by leveraging latent locations inferred from the network to disentangle homophily from causal peer influence, and extend this approach to multiple networks by adopting a Bayesian hierarchical modelling framework. To accommodate nonlinear peer influence on individual behaviour, we employ a Bayesian nonparametric method, Bayesian Additive Regression Trees, and propose a Bayesian framework that accounts for uncertainty in inferring latent locations. We assess the estimators' performance via simulations, and apply our method to advice-seeking networks of teachers in secondary schools, assessing whether teachers’ beliefs about mathematics education are influenced by the beliefs of their peers from whom they receive advice. Our results suggest that overlooking latent homophily can lead to either underestimation or overestimation of causal peer influence, accompanied by considerable estimation uncertainty.

📚 Latin American Politics and Society

📄 What is the Scope and Behavior of the Transnational Network of Anti-rights Groups?

This article theorizes on the mobilization of R-TANS (right-wing transnational advocacy networks [Payne 2023]) globally, with a focus on those that target gender, reproductive, and sexuality-based (GRAS) rights. An international anti-GRAS network has emerged, increasing their power through transnational allyship. This article describes and analyses an original database of anti-GRAS actors that form this network, asking: who are the groups; where do they originate and mobilize; how do they mobilize; and why ? I develop an original analytical framework drawing on transnational social movements and anti-gender mobilization literature. Applying this framework to database analysis, I hypothesize on these questions while drawing on social network theory to examine the strength of ties between groups and the extent of the transnational network. It is unique in its contribution, considering the overlap of groups that oppose both LGBTQIA+ and reproductive rights and the alliances they develop to further the goals of the entire network.

📄 Representing the Margins: An Intersectional Analysis of Chile’s Gender Quota

  • 作者: Constanza Antonia Barraza Vargas
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Research shows that quotas and feminist movements impose gender mandates on congresswomen, shaping their legislative outputs. However, this scholarship treats women as a homogeneous collective, rendering invisible intragroup differences. This article addresses this gap by asking how gender quotas shape the representation of marginalized women’s interests in contexts characterized by strong gender mandates. Analyzing the Chilean case, I compared the legislative terms pre (2014–18) and post (2018–22) quota. First, I examined how many marginalized women entered Congress in each cycle. Then, I reviewed the contents of all laws and bills on gender issues and marginalized groups sponsored by the congresswomen, to determine how well they represented marginalized women’s needs. Finally, I analyzed who were the main sponsors of intersectional legislation. The findings indicate that marginalized women’s interests, though better represented after the quota implementation, remained a marginal portion of congresswomen’s legislative output.

📚 Legislative Studies Quarterly

📄 Does Unequal Representation Bias Policymaking? Quasi‐Experimental Evidence From the Italian Senate

How does unequal representation affect policymaking? Existing research shows that overrepresented districts exert disproportionate influence over public policy, yet our understanding of the underlying sources of this advantage remains limited. I argue that increased representation can independently bias policymaking via two channels: a mechanical effect, whereby additional representatives increase a district's likelihood of shaping the legislative agenda, and a behavioral effect, whereby legislators intensify constituency‐oriented effort due to intra‐district competition. To test this, I leverage the quasi‐experimental setting created by the electoral rule of the Italian Senate (1994–2006), which allowed districts with similar population sizes to elect either one or two senators. Using a regression discontinuity design and comprehensive data on bill (co‐)sponsorship, I find evidence consistent with both channels. Examining policy outcomes, I do not find that unequal representation yields distributive benefits, but I do find suggestive evidence of a broader legislative advantage.

📄 Out of Step, Out of Party: Party Switching in American State Legislatures

Do parties shape legislators' revealed behavior, or do they merely reflect it? Party switchers offer a rare opportunity to examine party effects because the same legislators can be observed before and after crossing the aisle. I assemble a dataset of 500 state legislative party switches across 49 states from 1993 to 2024 and use comparable ideal‐point estimates to examine two questions: what predicts switching, and how much legislators' voting records change afterward. Ideological misfit is by far the strongest predictor of switching, while district preferences add little independent explanatory power. Partisan context also matters: switching is less common under stronger conditional party government and more common for minority‐party members in lopsided chambers. After switching, legislators move substantially toward their new parties. Among major‐party switchers, the average shift is about 0.64 common‐space units, roughly half the typical gap between party medians. These shifts are largest for party‐median Democrats, consistent with the view that they faced the greatest party pressure, and they grow larger in chambers with stronger conditional party government and greater legislative professionalism. The results show that parties constrain legislators' behavior, and that the strength of that constraint varies systematically with party‐system conditions, competitive context, and institutional differences.

📚 Local Government Studies

📄 Political attention and local development: evidence from provincial leaders’ inspection tours in China

  • 作者: Jiankun Yang, Minghu Huang, Runqi Liu
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 Two hats, one purse: does holding a dual mandate affect the attraction of grants?

  • 作者: Benjamin Descamps, Carine Smolders
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 Transparency talk among candidates for public office

  • 作者: Julia Trautendorfer, Cedric Antunes, Gregory Michener
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
.

📚 Minds and Machines

📄 Weak Emergence, Ontological Hierarchies, and Computational Equivalence

This paper examines the implications of Bedau’s notion of weak emergence when combined with both a hierarchical ontological model and Wolfram’s principle of computational equivalence. I argue that if a system exhibits weak emergence, the very fact of weak emergence of some of its states must itself be a weakly emergent state. Interpreted through Wolfram’s principle of computational equivalence, this implies that a system with weakly emergent states would need to ‘decide’ whether its own dynamical trajectories are incompressible—which contradicts with the formal undecidability of the incompressibility predicate. I term this aporetic conclusion the paradox of weak emergence. After evaluating possible responses, I contend that Bedau’s approach exemplifies what I call the derivational account of metaphysical relations, a framework that I will show to be highly problematic insofar as it implies a mismatch between the intrinsic limitations of formal derivations and the explanatory ambitions of metaphysical notions.

📄 Artificial Intelligence & Human Rights Law: A Thematic Synthesis Review

  • 作者: Kostina Prifti, Julie Hoppenbrouwers, Ezra de Leeuw, Alberto Quintavalla, Jeroen Temperman
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
The interaction between Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies and Human Rights Law (HRL) is gaining increasing attention in the literature. Scholars analyse both positive and negative interactions, with risks and harms bearing a stronger emphasis. Amid growing contributions to the field, a methodical synthesis of the literature is missing. This article fills this gap. We begin by mapping the interaction between AI and HRL, focusing on the types of AI applications, the impacted human rights, the relevant jurisdictions, and the involved actors. Then, we develop an interpretative (re)construction of the impact of AI on HRL and discuss how this impact affects the HRL mechanisms. Our mapping analysis reveals common themes that dominate academic discussions, including accountability, fair process, information provision and protection, and effective enforcement. In the final part, we explore the scope and nature of the directions of future AI &amp; HRL literature based on this review’s identification of gaps, blind spots and newly emerging or persistent ambiguities within the literature. In that respect, four key areas emerge as priorities for consideration: the role of private actors, the use of HR impact assessment, the adoption of relational theories, and the potential redefinition of the concept of harm, including through refocusing on vulnerability as a legal concept. Addressing these areas is crucial to strengthening the framework for mitigating AI-related risks to human rights.

📚 Nations and Nationalism

📄 Patronages in the Absence of the State: Modernisation Projects in the Late 19th‐Century Eastern Armenian Press

This article examines the modernisation projects formulated within the Armenian press during the late nineteenth century under Russian imperial rule. The press's agency in creating modernisation projects is analysed not only in the Andersonian sense of providing the possibility of imagining a nation, but also in terms of its specific function as an institution of a stateless nation. The article examines the interpretive stances and conceptual frameworks that patrons supplied—both through direct financial influence and indirect ideological support—and explores how different forms of patronage shaped the editorial directions of various periodicals. At the same time, it investigates what the press itself patronised, functioning as an agent of institutional construction. A key finding is the ‘unequal distribution’ of cultural, economic, and political components of modernisation. Moreover, the article argues that the activation of the purely political renders the fractures within the ‘package’ of modernisation components all the more visible.

📚 Nature Reviews Psychology

📄 The interplay between culture, task and biology in spatial–numerical associations

  • 作者: Elena Eccher, Manuela Piazza, Giorgio Vallortigara
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 Virtual exposure challenges species conservation awareness

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Parliamentary Affairs

📄 AI tools in Parliament: Analytical framework and empirical insights

  • 作者: Francesco Bromo, Paolo Gambacciani, Luca Pinto
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Legislatures worldwide are increasingly developing artificial intelligence (AI) tools, yet political scientists still lack a shared framework for systematically comparing them. This article proposes a ‘Dual-Layer Model’ for analysing parliamentary AI tools, distinguishing between what these tools do and the actors involved in their use, that is, where inputs originate and where outputs are directed. Building on this framework, we develop a classification that captures how AI tools support different institutional functions within parliament, based on configurations of information flow between actors. This approach shifts attention from technical functions to how AI-generated outputs are embedded in relationships among parliamentary actors and between parliament and the public and provides a basis for studying the institutional consequences of AI adoption, the distribution of informational resources and capacities, and the strategic choices guiding the development of specific tools. Drawing on evidence from eleven parliamentary chambers, we show that the adoption of AI tools is currently shaped by an efficiency-led logic. Most tools are used to support the work of parliamentary staff and offices, consistent with earlier patterns of internet diffusion in parliaments, while tools used by legislators or incorporating citizen input remain comparatively limited. At the same time, patterns of adoption do not converge towards a common portfolio of AI tools across legislatures.

📄 After the party: motivations for volunteer recruitment and retention in independent election campaigns

Political participation is evolving rapidly, leading to consideration of whether motivations are likewise changing and how well widely accepted accounts of the incentives underpinning participation apply to new groups, such as independents. This study employs the General Incentives Model (GIM) to analyse the motivations for participation in the novel Australian independent campaigns of 2022. Data from 55 semi-structured interviews, supplemented by a survey of 282 highly engaged supporters, is analysed to develop a detailed account of the motivations underpinning involvement. The analysis identifies the presence of incentives from across the GIM and shows that incentives for recruitment and retention differed. Recruitment was primarily motivated by instrumental collective outcome incentives, while retention was largely underpinned by experiential selective process incentives. Interview results highlight how participant perceptions of the political context and volunteer roles shaped motivations. In addition to contributing new insights into motivations for non-party campaign participation, this study demonstrates the applicability of the GIM beyond party campaigns and indicates the importance of participant perceptions in shaping incentive salience.

📚 Party Politics

📄 Politics in the era of the attention economy and platformisation: How Instagram Reels are shaping political communication in India

Beyond mass rallies, cinema-inspired campaigns, and television debates, digital platforms have introduced new dynamics to political communication in India. This paper analyses how Indian political parties use Instagram Reels to construct political messages, focusing on the themes, strategies, and visual styles that characterise their digital representation. To interpret how platform rules and attention-driven strategies are reshaping political discourse, the study draws on the attention economy, the race to the bottom of the brainstem, and platformisation. These frameworks highlight the most effective messages, emotions, and visual formats that fit their algorithmic logic and platform-specific requirements. The research focuses on content analysis of the 30 most-viewed Instagram Reels from the six prominent political parties. Indian political communication increasingly mirrors influencer culture and platformisation logics. The noise of sensationalist spectacles and affective-stimulus-driven emotive content marginalises the substantive rational needs of political communication in a diverse democratic society.

📚 Perspectives on Politics

📄 Silencing Dissent: Academic Freedom and Transnational Suppression of Palestinian Solidarity

  • 作者: Sevgi Doğan, Donatella Della Porta, Federico Alagna
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Israel’s war on Gaza has prompted a wave of protests against human rights violations that has spread across most European countries. As universities have become arenas of contestation, there has been an increase in forms of repression of academic freedom and of political rights within academia. Our systematic, case-oriented analysis of an original database enables us to identify specific repertoires of repression employed by different institutions, as well as the characteristics of the targeted academics. By comparing Germany and the United States as case studies of high and increasing levels of repression—albeit characterized by differing systems of higher education and conceptions of academic freedom—we analyze the strategies used by these actors and how they interact. In this article, we focus on the mechanisms through which repression has been promoted, anchored in a resignification of antisemitism that treats it as distinct from racism and accords it a special status in the defense of Western civilization. We use the concept of moral panic to analyze the construction of a narrative that portrays a specific challenge to society’s fundamental values, which has resulted in the scapegoating of the Left and migrants. We also identify the main moral panic entrepreneurs responsible for the creation of this environment both within and outside universities.

📄 Do Voters Understand the Benefits of Taxes?

  • 作者: Benjamin Carter, Alessandro Del Ponte, Peter DeScioli
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
We use economic experiments to study a fundamental question in political economy: Do voters understand the benefits of taxes? Participants play an economic game as members of a virtual society composed of computer players. In each round, the players earn low or high income, see the distribution of income, and then vote for low or high taxes. We test whether participants vote rationally for high taxes when poor and low taxes when rich, following a classic model in political economy, or whether they focus on the burden of taxes more than the benefits. Across three experiments, poor players voted against high taxes 30% to 50% of the time, and they were more opposed when the same policy was labeled “taxes” than when it was labeled “sharing.” In Experiment 2, Singaporean participants opposed taxes at about the same rate as those of Americans in Experiment 1. In Experiment 3, participants’ opposition to taxes persisted when they received low income every round. These results support the burden hypothesis: voters focus more on the burden of paying taxes than on the benefits they provide. We reflect on what the results imply for the politics of taxes.

📚 Policy & Internet

📄 Researching Regulatory Innovation: The UK Digital Regulation Cooperation Forum

  • 作者: Martin Kretschmer, Philip Schlesinger
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Policy &amp;Internet, Volume 18, Issue 3, September 2026.

📄 Regulating Reality: Exploring Synthetic Media Through Multistakeholder AI Governance

Artificial intelligence's integration into daily life has brought with it a reckoning on the role such technology plays in society and the varied stakeholders who should shape its governance. This is particularly relevant for AI‐generated, or synthetic, media, an emergent visual technology impacting perceptions of media as records of reality. Studying the stakeholders governing synthetic media is vital to assessing safeguards that help audiences make sense of content in the AI age; yet little qualitative research examines how actors from civil society, industry, media, and policy conceptualize, develop, and implement such practices. This paper addresses this gap by analyzing 23 semi‐structured interviews with stakeholders governing synthetic media alongside real‐world cases of multistakeholder synthetic media governance. Inductive coding reveals how temporal perspectives—spanning past, present, and future—mediate multistakeholder governance of synthetic media. Analysis also illustrates the critical role of trust, both among stakeholders and between audiences and interventions, as well as the limitations of technical transparency measures like AI labels for supporting effective synthetic media governance. These findings inform literature on multistakeholder AI governance through rare insight into such processes, while also supporting the practical design of synthetic media policy that serves audiences.

📄 Identical Platform, Divergent Publics: Sweden and Finland During the 2022 NATO Crisis

Digital platforms are often theorized as universal drivers of political polarization, yet empirical patterns remain inconsistent across countries. Leveraging the natural‐experiment logic of Sweden's and Finland's simultaneous 2022 NATO applications and the NATO–Turkey diplomatic crisis, this study examines how national political cultures condition the enactment of identical Twitter/X affordances. Using a most‐similar systems design, it analyzes geolocated posts from the Nordic Tweet Stream (January 2022–May 2023). Communicative structure is measured through participation inequality (Gini; top‐share‐of‐voice), and communicative behavior through @mention and #hashtag densities, complemented by qualitative profiling and a supplementary stance and framing analysis. Sweden exhibits a more concentrated, broadcast‐leaning configuration (Gini = 0.59; top 1% produce 34.1%; lower mention/hashtag densities), whereas Finland shows a more distributed structure with higher interaction/coordination proxies (Gini = 0.46; top 1% produce 20.4%; higher densities). A stance analysis reveals that both publics support NATO accession, with anti‐accession sentiment absent; the divergence lies not in substantive political position but in communicative repertoire, with Swedish discourse dominated by adversarial‐blame framing and Finnish discourse by analytical‐informational framing ( χ 2  = 117.40, p  &lt; 0.001). The findings support a “cultural filter” operating as a framing selector, linking political culture to divergent configurations of platformed publics.

📄 Can Online Participation Match In‐Person Democratic Engagement? Evidence From a Cross‐National Experiment

Democratic innovations increasingly take place online, yet little is known about how online citizen participation affects perceived legitimacy compared to in‐person formats. This study presents findings from a preregistered vignette experiment conducted in Spain and Switzerland. With over 6000 respondents, it compares online participation, offline participation, and no participation across two selection mechanisms, self‐selection and sortition, and examining how effects differ between decision winners and losers. The results show that online citizen participation follows the same general logic as offline participation: both can improve fairness perceptions relative to non‐participatory decision‐making, though offline participation produces somewhat stronger effects. Critically, these benefits are concentrated among decision losers, for whom participation meaningfully improves perceived fairness, while winners' evaluations remain largely unchanged. The selection mechanism proves more consequential than the participatory format: self‐selection consistently improves legitimacy perceptions across both online and offline settings, while sortition reduces both perceived fairness and acceptance likelihood, particularly among decision winners. These findings suggest that the predominant design of existing digital platforms, open and self‐selected, is also the design citizens perceive as most legitimate, though online participation has not yet fully realized the legitimacy‐enhancing potential of in‐person formats.

📚 Political Behavior

📄 Electoral Alliances and Spatial Patterns of Vote: Evidence from Brazilian Local Elections

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Single-Party Legislatures: Evidence from China

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Political Communication

📄 Vengeance or Hope? A Role-Based Analysis of Hashtag Activism for the War in Gaza

.

📚 Political Psychology

📄 No fear needed when trust runs deep: The interplay of risk perception and institutional integrity shapes vaccination

  • 作者: Magali Beylat, Fanny Lalot, Maarten Vansteenkiste, Joachim Waterschoot, Olivier Klein, Vincent Yzerbyt
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Understanding the psychological determinants of vaccination behavior remains a key challenge for public health. In two studies conducted in Belgium during the COVID‐19 pandemic, we examined how risk perception and trust in the government interact to predict vaccination intention (Study 1) and vaccine uptake (Study 2). People's trust rests on their evaluation of the target's trustworthiness. In the present studies, we considered three components of trustworthiness: integrity, benevolence, and ability. We found that integrity was the component most strongly associated with vaccination. In addition, our results show that risk perception does not only add up to trust, and specifically its integrity component, but that these two factors interact in predicting vaccination. Specifically, either high risk perception or high integrity was sufficient to motivate vaccination, while individuals low on both were the most likely to be hesitant (consistent with a distrustful complacency hypothesis). Taken together, our findings provide a deeper understanding of the psychological mechanisms underlying vaccination. In addition, they highlight the value of adopting a multidimensional approach about trustworthiness as this points to the key role of integrity.

📄 Whether people justify and challenge economic inequality depends on the activities of social movements

  • 作者: Judit Kende, Roberto González Gutiérrez, canan coşkan, Ana Figueiredo, Maja Kutlaca, Karen Phalet, Hema Preya Selvanathan
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
When do people challenge economic inequality and when are they more likely to accept it? Whether people justify inequality is key to challenging or accepting it, but research is inconclusive on how objective economic inequality is related to individuals' justification of inequality. In the present research, we propose that social movements play a key role in framing inequality as unjust so that higher inequality is seen as less just. Our study focused on Chile, a relatively affluent but highly unequal country and we examined whether local income inequality was related to individuals' beliefs depending on local labor movement activities. Using survey data from 1886 participants across 64 municipalities, our results showed that municipal‐level income inequality and labor movement activities jointly predicted individual‐level justification of inequality, and indirectly also predicted support for collective action. When either very low or very high local levels of income inequality were coupled with less intense labor movement activities, individual justification of inequality was higher. Justification of inequality in turn predicted less support for the labor movement as a measure of collective action to challenge income inequality. The findings highlight the importance of social movements, such as the labor movement, in framing inequality as unjust.

📄 Does White identity stop at the water's edge? White solidarity and racialized perceptions of foreign adversaries in the United States

What is the effect of racial in‐group identity on white Americans' policy preferences? Although a robust strand of literature has investigated this relationship in the context of domestic politics, little is known about how white solidarity shapes foreign policy attitudes. This article provides the first examination of whether white racial consciousness “stops at the water's edge”—namely, whether racial solidarity affects how white Americans process information about white versus non‐white foreign adversaries and evaluate the threats they pose. Leveraging recent applications of political psychology in racial politics, this article delineates competing theoretical expectations about the role of white identity in the formation of foreign threat perception. With evidence from a preregistered survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of white Americans that randomized the racial categorization of a hypothetical foreign adversary, this study finds that higher levels of white identity are associated with lower perceived threat when the adversary is portrayed as white, and higher perceived threat when the adversary is portrayed as non‐white, even after accounting for out‐group racial resentment. These findings elucidate the microfoundational determinants of interstate conflict and contribute to cross‐subfield efforts in Political Science to study the transnational effects of in‐group identity politics.

📚 Political Research Quarterly

📄 Complicated Loyalties: Latino Attitudes About Immigration in an Era of Changing Identities and Demographics

  • 作者: Samantha Chapa, Stella M. Rouse, James C. Garand
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
As evidenced by its prominence in the 2024 presidential election, and subsequent Trump administration policies, immigration remains a polarizing and controversial topic in U.S. politics. While Latinos have historically been perceived as largely supportive of liberal immigration policy, recent events and the shifting identities and demographics of the Latino population call this perception into question. Given changes among the Latino electorate, we investigate immigration attitudes within this increasingly diverse community. Using the largest public opinion dataset in the United States, we analyze attitudes toward restrictive immigration policy of over 30,000 Latinos. We evaluate the effects of identity through predictors such as nativity, immigration status, group perceptions, partisanship, and ideology to understand the correlates of Latino public opinion toward immigration. Our findings highlight the role of conservative ideology, which is increasingly becoming an important component of Latino identity, in driving support for restrictionist policies and the minimal influence of nativity or language use. We also find that other components related to identity, such as beliefs about discrimination, correlate strongly with immigration attitudes. Our results underscore the complexity of Latino public opinion and the countervailing factors that result from various identities among Latinos regarding immigration policy.

📄 The Evolution of Democratic Values in China: Age, Period, and Cohort Effects in an Authoritarian Regime

This study explores the evolution of democratic values among Chinese citizens over the past few decades, offering insights into how democratic values develop within authoritarian regimes. Democratic values are conceptualized as the belief in an equal government-people relationship and the belief in the independence of branches of government. These beliefs correspond to the core principles of democracy, including popular sovereignty, the separation of powers, and checks and balances. The Age-Period-Cohort Interaction model is applied to analyze five waves of nationally representative surveys conducted in China between 2002 and 2019. The results reveal distinct temporal effects across the age, period, and cohort dimensions. Age effects are significant in shaping beliefs in an equal government-people relationship. Period effects show a decline in democratic values during the 2010s compared to the 2000s, coinciding with the period of Xi Jinping’s rule. Cohort effects indicate that members of Generation Z do not exhibit higher levels of democratic values than those born in earlier cohorts. However, individuals born between 1971 and 1985 display a higher level of belief in the independence of branches of government. The findings indicate the need to reassess the complex dynamics of value change, both in contemporary China and globally.

📄 Depictions of Partisan Bias at Oral Argument and Public Evaluations of the U.S. Supreme Court

  • 作者: Joshua Boston, Christopher N. Krewson, Albert H. Rivero, Marcy Shieh, Andrew R. Stone
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
The Supreme Court relies on public goodwill for its authority, yet its decision-making processes are often hidden from the public eye. Media coverage of oral arguments in prominent cases provides an opportunity for Americans to assess how the Court carries out its procedures. Using a survey experiment conducted around the oral arguments in Trump v. Anderson , we show that depictions of partisan bias by the justices in their oral argument questioning patterns reduce perceptions of procedural fairness, decrease approval of oral argument, and undermine views about the Court’s authority. While these effects are driven by bias against copartisans, bias favoring copartisans does not improve evaluations. Our findings illustrate the responsiveness of the American public to depictions of the Court’s decision-making behavior and highlight procedural fairness as an avenue for the Court to maintain institutional support.

📄 Unity in Diversity? LGBTQ Coalitional Identity and Linked Fate in the US, Canada, and the UK

  • 作者: Quinn M. Albaugh, Joel Cantó Roche, Michael J. Donnelly, Julie Moreau, Marc-Antoine Rancourt
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Scholars increasingly use linked fate, or the idea that one’s own destiny is tied to the success of one’s group, to explain LGBTQ political participation and voting behavior. However, unlike most other identities referenced in linked fate questions, “LGBTQ” is a coalitional identity that explicitly recognizes distinct constituent subgroup identities (such as “lesbian”). To what extent do sexual and gender minority individuals express linked fate with the broader coalitional identity as opposed to narrower subgroup identities? We use data from three separate pre-registered survey experiments conducted in the US, Canada, and the UK. We show that sexual and gender minority respondents express at least as much linked fate with the coalitional identity as with their own specific sexual and/or gender identities. Indeed, in Canada and the UK, our evidence suggests that LGBTQ coalitional identity elicits higher levels of linked fate than narrower subgroup identities. These results imply that LGBTQ coalitional linked fate is useful for explaining LGBTQ political behavior.

📄 Money and Pathways to Participation: Campaign Contributions and Identity

Political participation research about race and immigration does not usually single out campaign contributions for analysis. Gender studies about money and politics are more common but usually focus on candidates with insufficient attention to the gender and racial identities of donors. This paper leverages newly available 2024 survey data from the Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) to study gender, race/ethnicity, and immigration in campaign contribution decisions. It examines differences in pathways to participation across racial/ethnic and gender groups, analyzing monetary and non-monetary factors. It aims to contribute to theoretical debates about how gender, race/ethnicity, and immigration shape opportunities for political voice and—ultimately—representation. The underrepresentation of racial/ethnic groups as campaign contributors is often attributed solely to class and wealth differences. Yet, the findings from this study about donation decisions show that the situation is more complex. In particular, monetary factors play a more limited role for Asian Americans’ political giving decisions than for other groups. The study sheds light on how inequalities in giving could be addressed in the future.

📄 Organizational Identity Signaling: How Women’s Political Organizations Influence Candidate Diversity

How do signals sent by women’s political organizations influence the diversity of who seeks them out? Women’s Candidate Training Organizations (WCTOs) are a vast network of political organizations operating in nearly all U.S. states, putting thousands of hours and millions of dollars into recruiting women candidates. These organizations provide an ideal case for understanding the impact of Organizational Identity Signaling. Political organizations vary in the signals they send about whose experiences will be centered in their programming, shaping who sees themselves within political spaces and gets the institutional support to participate in politics as a result. Using interviews with 57 Candidate Training Organizations, I provide evidence that while WCTOs nearly universally center and address women’s material and psychological barriers to running, they are less likely to focus on barriers faced by non-white candidates than equivalent non-gendered organizations. Using an original online survey experiment, I demonstrate the effect of these gendered and racial signals on women’s political ambition and its precedents, across race and ethnicity. This research has implications for understanding the role of identity-specific interest groups is shaping descriptive representation.

📚 Political Science Research and Methods

📄 A principal–agent theory and network analysis of high-end cooperation among militant groups

This study develops a principal–agent theory of why armed groups engage in high-end cooperation involving training or intelligence. While such cooperation enhances capacity, it generates downstream risks. Principals mitigate these risks by selecting agents who are skill-wise complementary but politically non-substitutable. Agents accept high-end support when doing so does not leave them politically overshadowed by a dominant actor. Using original network data on 53 groups in Northeast India (1981–2021) and temporal exponential random graph models, I show that high-end cooperation is more likely in dyads characterized by organizational capacity differentials, complementary attack portfolios, and distinct constituencies. The findings recast militant alliances as products of competitive threat perception and carry broader implications for the study of multiparty conflicts.

📚 Political Studies

📄 Does support for democracy increase losers’ consent?

  • 作者: André Blais, Damien Bol, Carolina Plescia
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Regime legitimacy and survival rely on citizens’ consent to election results, even when these results are unfavorable. Theories posit that individuals with pro-democratic attitudes are more accepting of electoral losses. We test this assumption by analyzing the empirical relationship between support for democratic principles, such as universal suffrage, and electoral consent to randomly generated, hypothetical but plausible electoral outcomes. Using data from a representative sample of Germans, we find a negative correlation between the two variables. Furthermore, those with the strongest democratic convictions are those most influenced in their consent by partisan preferences. Part of the explanation stems from reactions to the far-right, anti-democratic party Alternative for Germany, as many respondents strongly dislike this party and are unwilling to consent to outcomes in which it performs well. However, even among other respondents, democratic support does not correlate positively with losers’ consent.

📄 Thanks to reviewers

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Political Studies Review

📄 How civil war intensity shapes post-war repression: State capacity, regime type, and conflict termination

This study examines the association between civil war intensity and post-war repression and explores the pathways through which this relationship may operate. Rather than assuming that more destructive wars necessarily produce more coercive post-war rule, it argues that severe conflict can reshape the institutional and political environment in ways that constrain repression. Using cross-national time-series data on post-civil-war country-years from 69 countries between 1989 and 2023, the analysis finds a robust negative association between civil war intensity and post-war repression. It then examines three possible pathways: post-war state capacity, post-war regime type, and conflict termination outcomes. The findings suggest that more intense wars are associated with weaker post-war state capacity, higher levels of post-war democracy, and a greater likelihood of ending through a ceasefire or peace agreement rather than outright victory. In turn, weaker state capacity, more democratic post-war regimes, and negotiated conflict endings are associated with lower levels of post-war repression. Overall, the results suggest that wartime intensity matters because it reshapes the institutional and political conditions of post-war governance.

📄 Conceptualizing human dignity as a political concept

Existing concepts of dignity struggle when applied to political practice. Dignity is assumed to be something intrinsic, insufficiently conceptualized, or overextended. Different accounts highlight important dimensions of dignity yet often conflate ontological grounding (what dignity is) with realization (how dignity is realized in political practice). As a result, disputes about dignity’s meaning are frequently framed as disagreements about its essence when they concern instead how dignity is specified and operationalized in political practice. This article contributes a conceptual architecture that shows how dignity functions as a political concept, clarifying which uses are coherent. Separating conceptual levels, the article shows that different accounts are not necessarily incompatible but operate at different levels. This reframing allows to evaluate dignity claims more precisely and to diagnose when appeals to dignity mask disagreement rather than conceptual incoherence.

📄 Climate mitigation: Just, legitimate and hence politically feasible?

An emerging consensus among social scientists holds that climate mitigation policies should be just and legitimate, not only because justice and legitimacy are valuable moral ends but because they are vital to policies’ political feasibility. Yet, the view that justice and legitimacy enable political feasibility in climate mitigation stands in sharp contrast to the mainstream view within normative political theory, where political feasibility is usually treated as a constraint on the realization of values such as justice and legitimacy. This paper explains how these conflicting perspectives arise and offers a multifaceted account of the relation between moral values and political feasibility in climate mitigation. By analyzing three conceptual distinctions – normative versus sociological, transcendental versus comparative, and wide-scope versus narrow-scope approaches to justice/legitimacy – we show how justice/legitimacy tends to enable political feasibility under the latter understandings (sociological, comparative, and narrow-scope) but constrain it under the former (normative, transcendental, and wide-scope). This clarification dissolves the apparent disciplinary contradiction and reveals the conditions under which values central to climate mitigation align with or limit political feasibility.

📄 Ethnic discrimination and the dynamics of belonging in Africa

Using Afrobarometer survey data covering 36 countries ( N ≈ 94,000), this study examines the relationship between experiences of ethnic discrimination and patterns of identification among Africans. The regression analysis indicates that as the frequency of ethnic discrimination increases, so does the likelihood that individuals will prioritize their ethnic identity over their national identity. Furthermore, the results demonstrate that the negative association between ethnic discrimination and exclusive national identification is substantially stronger than the positive association between ethnic discrimination and exclusive ethnic identification. These regression results are robust to the use of a binary measure of ethnic discrimination and to the employment of a different estimation method. One possible explanation for these findings is that experiences of ethnic discrimination foster feelings of exclusion from the broader national community, prompting individuals to reaffirm their attachment to their ethnic group as a source of belonging, support, and identity.

📚 Political Theory

📄 Limits to Tolerance: The Politicization of Liberal Values

The defense of gay rights and other liberal values by some right-wing populists is often perceived as an opportunistic strategy to justify anti-Muslim policies. But this explanation for co-optation of liberal values by parties that are considered to be in conflict with liberalism circumvents a proper analysis of the phenomenon. I will therefore investigate this element within populist politics as a problem of liberalism, rather than of populism. Doing so, this paper holds that co-optation of liberal values by right-wing populists follows from a distinctly liberal dialectic and, genealogically, represents a distinct strand of liberalism. Firstly, I will discuss the origins of populism in the Netherlands and present them as an exemplary case of what Adam Tebble calls “identity liberalism.” Secondly, I will analyze two foundational texts of the Dutch Party for Freedom to demonstrate its indebtedness to liberalism, and the correspondence of its argumentation to the philosophical problem known as the Böckenförde dilemma. Finally, I will show how identity liberalism is a conceivable, although not necessary, response to this dilemma. The politicization of liberal values by right-wing populists proves to be an attempt to solve the Böckenförde dilemma by turning these values into a marker of identity. This results in a type of liberalism that turns the initially inclusive liberalism into a politically exclusive doctrine.

📄 The Bodily Foundations of Sovereignty: Hunger and Material Necessity in Hobbes’s Political Philosophy

This essay argues that hunger functions as one of the primary passions driving political association in Thomas Hobbes’s materialist political philosophy. Despite the extensive scholarly focus on fear and the social contract, the pivotal role of bodily needs—particularly hunger—in shaping Hobbes’s entire political framework remains underexamined. By attending closely to hunger within Hobbes’s political thought, we can understand how his metaphysical materialism directly informed his political ideas, providing unique insights into the bodily basis of political legitimacy and prefiguring later materialist philosophies. The analysis critically engages with Samantha Frost’s materialist interpretation of Hobbes whilst also incorporating insights from Gregory Kavka and contemporary phenomenological approaches to embodied vulnerability. Through an examination of seventeenth-century English economic conditions, and drawing on Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s phenomenological work, the essay demonstrates that, according to Hobbes, political legitimacy fundamentally depends on the sovereign’s ability to ensure not just survival, but also the material conditions that enable a “delightful living.” This bodily political theory reveals hunger to be more than just a mechanical need; it is also an experiential disruption to the perceptual and social foundations necessary for political community.

📚 Politics & Society

📄 Nothing to Fear? Insecurity, Inequality, and the Welfare State

  • 作者: Kaitlin Alper, Peter Starke, Queralt Tornafoch-Chirveches
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
There is general sentiment that insecurity is on the rise across countries. However, some groups are likely to be more vulnerable to shocks than others, indicating that we may not expect insecurity to be equally distributed across the population. In this article, we examine how subjective insecurity is distributed and then turn to the question of whether welfare states can reduce potential gaps in subjective insecurity. Using multilevel models with cross-national data for about 35,000 individuals in twenty advanced democracies from two waves of the OECD's Risks That Matter (RTM) survey (2020 and 2022), we find that the poor are more insecure and that, in general, welfare state schemes have the capacity to reduce overall subjective insecurity. However, welfare state interventions do not meaningfully reduce the subjective security gap between income groups. With regard to the subjective insecurity gap between women and men, welfare policies similarly have only a very small effect. We complement this with national, over-time survey data from Denmark. We not only see that subjective insecurity has increased over time, but also that there is a growing subjective security gap, echoing the cross-national findings.

📚 Politics and Religion

📄 Navigating sectarianism: the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the international relations of the Middle East

While collective identity scholarship has generated insights into how social movements construct and mobilize identities to distinguish themsleves from others, it has paid comparatively less attention to why some groups reject divisive identities and instead align with broader collective identities. Using the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and their rejection of sectarianism as a representative case study, the article examines why social movements choose to adhere to larger collective identities, even when their environment encourages the adoption of divisive ones. Tracing the Brotherhood’s collective identity, the article advances an ideational explanation that shows how two enduring identity elements—the constitutive norm of Islamic inclusivity and the social purpose of resisting imperialism and authoritarianism—generated master frames that consistently led the group to reject sectarian divides during periods of heightened secterianization in the Middle East. This identity construction both enabled and constrained the movement’s political choices, shaping its responses to regional sectarian tensions. This article demonstrates how collective identity framing structures the repertoire of political options available to social movements and offers a theoretical and empirical vantage point for understanding their behaviour.

📄 It’s the practice, not the pew: religious attendance, denominational differences, and political participation in Taiwan

Does the robust Western finding that religious attendance predicts political participation hold in non-Christian democracies? We test this using pooled data from three waves of the Taiwan Election and Democratization Study. In Taiwan, the dominant religions—Buddhism, Taoism, and folk religion—lack the Protestant congregational structures that theoretically drive civic skill-building. We find that religious attendance robustly predicts political participation, surviving strict controls for partisanship and national identity. Crucially, religious affiliation has no independent effect, and the attendance–participation slope is denomination-invariant. Decomposing participation reveals that attendance predicts campaign activities more strongly than voting, consistent with a network-based mechanism. Religious belief intensity shows no independent association with participation beyond attendance. These findings—attendance matters, affiliation does not, and the effect is uniform across diverse traditions—strongly support a generalized social capital mechanism over civic skills, mobilization, or psychological belief-oriented alternatives. By replicating the attendance–participation link in a religiously pluralistic, East Asian democracy, this study demonstrates that religious civic engagement relies on communal social ties rather than denomination-specific lay governance, political recruitment, or internalized belief.

📄 Backlash to Christian nationalism: The impact of the January 6 <sup>th</sup> insurrection on Americans’ religiosity and political partisanship

  • 作者: David E. Campbell, Geoffrey C. Layman
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
This article examines reactions to the Christian nationalist imagery and rhetoric employed during the January 6 th , 2021 riot at the U.S. Capitol. We find evidence of both religious and partisan backlash among people who recalled evidence of Christian nationalism displayed by the January 6 th rioters. Among Independents and Republicans who recalled religious symbols on January 6 th , their overall religiosity declined. We also find that January 6 th led not only to religious backlash but also partisan backlash—generally lessening favorability toward Donald Trump and Republicans and even leading Republicans to change their party identification.

📚 Post-Soviet Affairs

📄 ‘Repairing an aircraft mid-flight’: establishing democratic civilian control in Ukraine during war

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Public Opinion Quarterly

📄 Reevaluating News and Opinion Dynamics in the Iraq War: New Evidence for Social Identification Effects

What causes changes in popular support for American wars? Competing theories posit that either the tone and content of wartime news or social identity cues conveyed through mass media should play the larger role. We offer new evidence in this debate by analyzing a novel set of rolling cross-sectional opinion data collected continuously over 13 months during an early phase of the Iraq War and pairing it with data on news intensity and the evaluative tone of news coverage during that same period. Contrary to conventional information updating explanations of war support but consistent with a social identification process, we find that greater intensity of wartime news coverage is associated with increases in aggregate support even after controlling for the evaluative tone of that news coverage.

📄 Compromised Labor Rights and Regime Legitimacy Under Authoritarianism

How do citizens in authoritarian regimes respond when state promises go unfulfilled? In many such regimes, leaders enact prolabor legislation to signal responsiveness, yet enforcement often falls short in practice. This research note provides the first experimental evidence regarding how enforcement gaps in prolabor legislation shape mass political attitudes under authoritarian rule. Drawing on a preregistered survey experiment in China, I show that the absence of enforcement significantly erodes political support: Unmet expectations surrounding labor rights produce a measurable decline in trust in government. Partial enforcement, in contrast, generates markedly less negative public reactions—an effect that seems to be driven by the perceived material benefits associated with this enforcement. A follow-up study incorporating a list experiment to detect preference falsification replicates the core findings. By examining mass reactions to varying levels of labor rights enforcement in authoritarian contexts, this study advances our understanding of authoritarian legitimation strategies and clarifies the conditions under which cooptation can sustain public support.

📚 Representation

📄 Partisan Bias of Non-Voters in Canada and the Consequences for Representative Democracy

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 Not Feeling Politically Represented: A Typology and Comparison

RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📄 The Expectation Gap: Citizens’ Expectations for and Evaluations of Democratic Representation

  • 作者: David Talukder, Ruth Dassonneville
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 Social Forces

📄 Reflections on Editing Social Forces, 2010-2026

As Volume 105 (1) of Social Forces begins under the editorship of Neal Caren, I conclude my 16 years as editor, a role I formally completed on June 30, 2026. While I am no longer editor, the papers I accepted during my tenure will continue to appear in the journal at least through Volume 106 (2). It has been a privilege to steward the journal, and I am grateful for the opportunity to have worked with so many terrific authors and reviewers in advancing its mission. As editor, I joined a distinguished group of sociologists at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill who edited Social Forces since its founding in 1922 by Howard W. Odum (see Kalleberg and Newell 2022). My successor, Neal Caren, continues this long-standing tradition of scholarly leadership.

📚 Social Science Computer Review

📄 Does Negativity Pay Off? The Impact of Political Party Attributes on the Use and Performance of Negative Campaigning in Digital Political Advertising

  • 作者: Hanna Paulke, Simon Kruschinski, Márton Bene, Jörg Haßler, Daniel Jackson, Darren Lilleker, Melanie Magin, Uta Russmann
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
While research has shown how different political actors adapt engagement-triggering strategies in organic election campaigns on social media platforms, we know little about how such strategies are used in paid political advertising and how they affect algorithmic ad performance. To address this gap, this study analyzes how party attributes shape spending on, impressions of, and the cost efficiency of negative campaigning in digital political advertising. Manually content-analyzing all Facebook ads from 48 parties across 10 countries during the European Parliament election in 2019, we find that, on average, parties do not allocate more resources to negative ads, which also do not achieve higher impression counts and are even associated with higher costs per 1,000 impressions (cost efficiency). However, party characteristics matter: Whereas opposition parties invest more in negative campaigning and consequently gain more impressions than government parties, negativity only pays off in terms of cost efficiency for extreme parties. Our findings contribute to a better understanding of the interplay between advertiser characteristics and content strategies in shaping ad use and performance within commercial marketing infrastructure, emphasizing the need for greater transparency to ensure fair competition in digital political advertising.

📄 Profiling Digital Hate: A Multidimensional Measurement Approach Based on the Perspective API

  • 作者: Thomas Kirchmair, Kevin Koban, Jörg Matthes
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
The automatic classification of digital hate is a pressing challenge, yet many existing computational models remain opaque and insufficiently evaluated as measurement tools in social science contexts. This study examines the utility of Google’s Perspective API as a measurement instrument by modeling higher-order constructs of harmful discourse (i.e., incivility and intolerance) as outcomes of multiple lower-level behavioral indicators captured by distinct API scores rather than using a single aggregate score as a proxy for complex social behaviors while enabling the evaluation of state-of-the-art black-box classifiers beyond classification metrics. Drawing on 4,000 manually annotated English-language YouTube comments in the context of the Israel-Hamas war, we test whether multiple API scores predict incivility and intolerance using generalized linear and additive models, assess classification performance across non-hateful, uncivil, and intolerant content, and benchmark a recent deep learning model. Results show that Identity Attack is a strong predictor of intolerance, whereas Insult and Profanity are indicative of incivility. While classification performance is somewhat below state-of-the-art deep learning models, our approach offers important advantages: transparency, interpretability, accessibility for non-technical researchers, and potential cross-linguistic applicability. We argue that typology-driven, multi-indicator-based classification provides a practical and theoretically grounded complement to more aggregated black-box models, particularly in human-in-the-loop workflows that can help reduce annotator exposure through pre-filtering of content.

📚 Social Science Quarterly

📄 Clarkonomics Comes to the WNBA

Objective This study evaluates the effect that Caitlin Clark and other high‐profile rookies such as Angel Reese had on WNBA attendance. Methods This article uses multiple regression specifications of panel data covering the WNBA's 2022–2024 seasons to examine the effect that Clark and other rookies had on WNBA attendance. Results The findings indicate that games involving Clark are responsible for one‐half of the WNBA's league‐wide attendance growth from the 2023 to 2024 seasons. Results for Reese are sensitive to specification, but most models suggest she also had a small positive effect on attendance. Conclusion Caitlin Clark had a transformational effect on fans’ interest in the WNBA, with the league's per‐game attendance in 2024 reaching a level not seen since the league's first three seasons.

📚 The International Journal of Press/Politics

📄 Exploring Possible Explanations for the Modest Relationship Between News Media Trust and Use

  • 作者: Yariv Tsfati, Rens Vliegenthart, Elina Lindgren, Jesper Strömbäck
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
Despite the widespread assumption that trust in news media drives news use, empirical research consistently finds only a modest correlation between the two. This study investigates possible explanations for the modest relationship between news media trust and use, drawing on recent qualitative insights and testing five hypotheses using a four-wave panel survey of Swedish respondents ( N  = 3,542). We examine whether outlet-specific trust better predicts news use than generalized media trust, and whether the tendency for selective exposure, news avoidance, news finds me (NFM) perceptions, and conspiracy mindset moderate the trust–exposure relationship. Contrary to expectations, outlet-specific trust did not outperform generalized trust in predicting news use. Selective exposure showed no significant moderating effects. In contrast, news avoidance significantly moderated the relationship, such that the association between news media trust and mainstream news media use was stronger for those reporting low intentions to avoid the news. Stronger associations were also observed for those ranking themselves high on the NFM and conspirancy mindset scales, though these latter interactions became insignificant when entering all interactions to the model simulteneously.

📚 The Journal of Legislative Studies

📄 Are younger candidates’ views different from older candidates’ views: some insights from the Comparative Candidate Survey

  • 作者: Daniel Stockemer, Kamila Kolodziejczyk
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
RSS 和 Crossref API 未提供摘要。請點擊上方「閱讀原文」連結查看。

📚 West European Politics

📄 Record-high fragmentation, clean drinking water and pigs’ welfare: the Danish General Election 2026

.

📚 中國大陸研究

📄 [書評]《Propaganda inAutocracies:Institutions, Information, and the Politics of Belief》

title: [書評]《Propaganda inAutocracies:Institutions, Information, and the Politics of Belief》

📄 世界革命、陣營分裂與戰略轉向：中國三線建設決策的驅動結構再審思（1962-1966）

title: 世界革命、陣營分裂與戰略轉向：中國三線建設決策的驅動結構再審思（1962-1966） abstract: 20世紀60年代普遍被認為是世界各地政治和社會動盪的時代。在這樣的時代中，毛澤東的革命鬥爭理論作為20世紀60年代的世界性革命理論，在亞洲、拉丁美洲和非洲國家及西歐和北美的激進左翼知識分子中產生了廣泛的反響。20世紀60年代中期以後，毛澤東對中國國內和國際形勢的看法做出重大修正。他認為亞非拉地區是世界革命風暴的主要源泉，世界革命正在到來。在這樣的形勢下，他日益不滿於在國內按部就班地繼續調整國民經濟。國內矛盾交織與國外革命形勢大好，構成了1964年毛澤東做出三線建設決策的歷史起因。從更宏觀的視角看，三線建設在毛澤東的全局性戰略視野中，主要是服務於世界革命這一宏大藍圖，其重要性遠超越南戰爭或中蘇邊界問題。同時，世界革命的領導權，必須由一個在動態中持續純化的階級來掌握。因此，三線建設不僅是一場針對外部威脅的「國土備戰」，更是一場針對內部潛在危機的「政治備戰」與社會重構。最終，三線建設從最初備戰世界革命到後來預防黨內出修正主義指向的轉變，也預示著中國革命的激進化已不可避免。

📄 從血脈中國到文化中華：以《聲生不息寶島季》看中共統戰策略的變化

title: 從血脈中國到文化中華：以《聲生不息寶島季》看中共統戰策略的變化 abstract: 中共過往製作統戰歌曲運用同宗同源的血脈中國話語進行宣傳，卻造成反效果，甚成抗爭惡搞的文本資料庫。不同於血脈中國策略，湖南衛視自2022 年起製作《聲生不息》五季節目，強調中華文化將中港臺和全球華人融為一體，並突顯臺灣流行文化，稱其為華流代表。本文以《寶島季》為個案，分析此新策略如何試圖轉換臺灣社會對統戰節目的厭惡情緒，召喚出從厭惡到喜愛，光譜更廣的情感。本文有兩項主要貢獻：首先，指出中共統戰策略出現新的變化，在血脈中國之外出現文化中華策略，以文化情感而非族裔血緣為訴求，需警覺威權韌性的新展現。其次，分析文化中華策略奏效的三個原因：第一，歌曲易召喚集體記憶與自傳式記憶，大量臺灣歌曲讓聽者扣合個人記憶，強化對節目的認同感；第二，政治訊息分散於各綜藝環節，沖淡政治性；第三，以致敬之名擬仿金曲獎，重新編纂臺灣金曲唱片，實則由黨意獨斷決定選曲，將臺灣流行音樂框限在「具有臺灣特色的華語音樂」，排除社會議題與臺灣意識的歌曲。中共版金曲唱片透過網路平臺散播，進入集體記憶資料庫，參與歷史詮釋權的爭霸。

📄 中共「二十一大」菁英甄補：流動、變遷與挑戰

title: 中共「二十一大」菁英甄補：流動、變遷與挑戰 abstract: 中共於2022年10月召開「二十大」並選出205位中央委員，成為中共治國理政新政治菁英。其中除24位中央政治局委員擔任核心與重要職務外，其餘成員未來升遷、任免須具備何種條件，何人較具政治潛力，是本文關注之焦點。本文主要透過專政體制、信任網絡與菁英政治觀點和文獻，探討習近平時期之菁英甄補和運作。此外，運用多元迴歸分析未來政治菁英甄補之條件、趨勢和具潛力之對象，期能對未來中共政治菁英篩選、晉升和汰除做預測和評估。根據本研究顯示，習的關係網絡、信任、忠誠、能力、廉潔與專業仍是菁英甄補要件。在高層菁英年齡彈性操作下，「二十一大」政治局委員逾「七上八下」界限者仍會做政治考量，且會有年齡梯隊安排。此外，在黨務、財經、軍事與政法和安全領域仍是習須優先掌控領域。另新政治菁英亦將透過「間接信任網絡」擴大甄補，也是時勢所趨。

📚 問題與研究

📄 Decoding Taiwan–Indonesian Partnership Through the Lens of the New Southbound Policy

  • 作者: HSIN-HUANG MICHAEL HSIAO, ALAN H. YANG
  • 連結: 閱讀原文
As a major partner in Taiwan’s Southward engagement with Southeast Asia, Indonesia has been one of the eight priority countries in Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP) since 2016. This paper focuses specifically on the interplay between Indonesia and Taiwan’s NSP. This paper examines the past development of Taiwan–Indonesia relations and finds that the NSP has fostered cross-sectoral and multi-faceted cooperation between Taiwan and Indonesia, including areas such as economic and investment, healthcare, education, agriculture, and social connectivity. Indonesia is one of the eight priority partner countries for Taiwan’s NSP. This paper argues that the current NSP achievements will also translate into an important driving force for advancing bilateral relations toward the next stage of deepening the NSP (that is, the NSP[Formula: see text]).